ILC International Weekly Newsletter #1 (New Series)
Presentation
This bulletin is the first issue of a publication we would like to
produce weekly.
More than ever, information is a vital necessity for the international
labor movement, and for all those who want to take action in the terrain
of class independence.
We live at a time in which the lie is institutional.
In light of the documents received by the National Bureau of the Workers
Party, which has a mandate to coordinate the activities of the
International Liaison Committee for Workers and Peoples (ILC), a
decision has been made to circulate documents that explain the activity
of the organizations that are part of the ILC.
After two "number 0" issues, we finally turned out this issue
number 1. We want to use this bulletin to contribute to the
strengthening of the chain of international resistance to war and
exploitation.
We invited you to send us your contributions and to let us know of the
activists and organizations that would be interested in receiving this
bulletin. According to the traditions of financial independence of our
international conferences, this bulletin will be self-financed by its
distribution and subscription.
Contents:
p 1: Introduction
p 2: Letter from G.L. Bruskin to J. Sweeney, AFL-CIO President (USA)
p 3: NO to War (France, Italy)
p 4: Interview with Gaby Clavier (Guadeloupe)
p 5: 8,000 job positions threatened in the Postal Service (Switzerland)
p 6: Debate in the labor movement (Brazil)
p 7: Liaoyang Appeal (China)
p 8: ILC Publications
Dossier of weekly news edited by the International Liaison Committee for
Workers and Peoples
For information contact:
International Newsletter
International Liaison Committee
87, rue du Faubourg Saint-Denis -75010 París
**********
Letter from G.L. Bruskin to J. Sweeney, AFL-CIO President (USA)
October 7, 2002
Dear President Sweeney
I am taking this unusual step of writing to you because these are
unusual times I am referring both to the challenges the labor movement
faces and the political climate created by the War on Terrorism and the
threat of war with Iraq.
In many ways, the labor movement is at a turning point in our ability to
organize new members, to win strong contracts and to affect social
policy. This is the result of the economic downturn, the evolving high
tech economy, the vehement employer resistance to unions and,
importantly, the hostile or at best indifferent political leadership at
all levels of government.
These and other factors have partly stymied the bold initiatives that
have characterized your leadership, including raising labor's political
profile, championing immigrant rights, expanding organizing and
mobilizing our members in support of pro-worker legislative initiatives.
Since 9/11 an even more dangerous and powerful dynamic has taken over
the public and political discourse of our country, the War on Terror.
This is a War described by the Bush Administration as a 30-40 year
effort. The promise of a Peace Dividend with the end of the Cold War has
disappeared. In fact, Bush's War policies appear to be a long-term Cold
War-type strategy on steroids, moving into high gear with all out war in
Iraq.
There is no doubt that the US faces a serious challenge following the
horrific acts of 9/11. We clearly need heightened security at home and a
concerted international effort abroad to find and arrest those intending
to commit future terrorist acts.
I do not believe, however, that Bush's War policies are designed to
increase domestic security. They are, rather, a Trojan Horse for his
pro-corporate domestic and international agenda. His War of Terror and
War on Iraq have little to do with promoting security for the US
citizenry. Rather, his foreign policy is designed to serve the same
corporate interests that drive his domestic policy, making the world
safe for US multinationals. In the era of globalization the two cannot
be separated.
I believe that the Labor movement must take the lead in opposing Bush's
War policies if we are going to succeed at advancing our own goals of
improving the lives of the US working class. Here we will have to set
the pace for the Democratic Party who in large measure fear to challenge
the President's security-related initiatives.
Labor has been clear and vocal about the dangers of Bush's domestic
policies, but we have been naïve at best about the objectives of his
foreign policy. We have attempted to fully support an anti-worker
President's War on Terrorism while fighting the effects of the War on
our members.
I believe it is a losing strategy for us because we are fighting the
symptoms and not the disease. The War on Terrorism (and Iraq) and the
domestic effects of the War are of one piece. To support the War is to
invite all the inevitable political and economic effects. We see our
civil liberties shrinking through the US Patriot Act (which will be used
against unions), Federal government workers losing their union rights,
the ILWU being threatened with Bush's intervention, our immigrant rights
campaign seriously setback, our efforts for global justice waning and
more -- all in the name of national security.
Iraq is the most blatant example of the ill-intended Bush policy of
preemption. Saddam is clearly a dictator who may possess or wish to
possess dangerous weapons. But the timing of this version of Bush's War
and the extremely aggressive posture of the US against Iraq are largely
unjustified by the threat. Already the drums of War have succeeded in
dramatically 'wagging the dog', changing the stories on the front pages
of our nations' papers from the failure of the Bush administration to
halt the economic decline and end corporate corruption, to the
President's bold leadership in protecting the US and the world from the
imminent threat of an Evil Monster.
The whole world can see that the timing was done to give the Republicans
the advantage in November, and it appears the strategy is working. But
the labor movement hasn't called him on it, despite the substantial
damage Republican success in November would do to US workers. There is
considerable suspicion among our members and much of the world, that
this is very much a war for oil, a favorite commodity for the
Bush-Cheney crowd. Multilateralism has been reduced to threats, bribes
and bullying, undermining the role of the UN.
The potential downsides of this War are breathtaking. The Administration
has estimated that 'Regime Change' in Iraq could cost up to $200
billion, aggravating the deficit and removing any chance of labor's
current domestic priorities being implemented. In fact, the massive
increases in War related spending already underway would make policies
such as broad health care reform impossible. This will inevitably result
in shrinking state budgets, with dramatic implications for local health
programs and government services that so many Republicans would love to
cut.
It is highly likely that some and perhaps many US soldiers will die, for
Saddam may have hesitated to release his weapons, fearing US
retaliation, but if he is going down, he will have nothing else to
loose. In addition, many thousands of Iraqi civilians will inevitably
become the collateral damage of this war. Beyond the damage in Iraq
itself, by bombing Arabs we will surely create a flood of Bin Laden
supporters in the Islamic world and very possibly cause other dangerous
and destabilizing effects..
I believe that we ignore this ominous trend at our peril. I urge you to
speak out forcefully, to begin to publicly challenge Bush's obsession
with War. We in the labor movement understand that promoting global
justice and human rights is the best way to fight hatred and terrorism.
I applaud you for beginning to discuss these issues in the Executive
Council and communicating your concerns to Congress. Now that you have
stepped forward on this issue, I hope you will promote broad discussion
and action in the labor movement. Labor councils around the country
could be encouraged to continue to take up this issue. (see the attached
statement from the Washington State Labor Council). The pages of the
AFL- CIO publications could be open to debate and education about the
War on Iraq and Bush's War policies. Our members could become a force in
shaping this policy.
Your leadership could make a substantial difference in how we define war
and peace as well as justice and progress in the 21st century. In an
interview shortly before his death, George Meany told David Frost 'If I
had known then what I know now, I would have acted differently about the
(Vietnam) war.' We all have much to learn from him in this regard.
The outcome of Bush's policies is not inevitable. There are some voices
that will be listened to. Yours is among them. Thank you very much for
considering my thoughts.
Sincerely,
Gene L Bruskin*
Secretary-Treasurer
Food and Allied Service Trades
AFL-CIO
(* for id. only. Letter written in a personal capacity only.)
**********
France
No to war! "Not in our name"
Press Release
Paris, November 13, 2002
We are faced with the intensification of the preparations for military
intervention in Iraq, with a resolution from the UN (among others) which
in fact gives the US total freedom to intervene at any time against a
people already bleeding after ten years of a criminal embargo. This puts
the peace of the world at risk, and the French collective "Not in
our name!", in response to and in agreement with the call launched
for the American campaign "Not in our name!", calls for the
organization of an international day against the war this coming
November 20th. They have decided:
To organize and call for a "No to the war! Not in our name!"
demonstration in Paris, on November 20th of 2002, at 6pm, at the Plaza
of the Republic.
The French collective "Not in our name!" calls for a
demonstration of the broadest unity. It calls unconditionally for all
citizens, organizations and associations which claim the banner of
peace, justice and democracy to respond to the call from the American
anti-war movement by demonstrating on November 20th, at 6pm, at the
Plaza of the Republic.
The French collective "Not in our name!" testifies that, in
just a few days, hundreds of personalities in the worlds of art,
entertainment and academia, have signed the call launched in solidarity
and support with the American campaign. The call is being made in order
to extend and broaden the campaign to support, through the massive
signing of the French call, the organization of a vast current of
popular opinion against the war.
Demonstration on November 20, 2002
6pm, Place de la Republique, in Paris
French Collective "Not in our name!"
For all correspondence contact:
Jean-Pierre Barrois, 56, avenue Diderot, 94100 Saint-Maur.
E-mail: barrois@univ-paris12.fr
- Fax : 01 48 89 18 37
François Dominique, 74, rue de Velars, 21370 Plombières-lès-Dijon.
E-mail: aseroe@wanadoo.fr
- Fax : 03 80 45 23 93
**********
Italy
Florence:
Hundreds of thousands demonstrate against the war
According to official reports, there were over 450,000. According to the
organizers (the European Social Forum), there were more than a million.
Could anyone give a precise number? From all over Italy, hundreds of
thousands of workers, youth, and citizens had converged in the streets
of Florence to say: "No to War" and "Defend the
Palestinian People".
Masses of students and working youth marched with signs and banners
because they reject war as the principle expression of the fate that the
capitalist system has reserved for them.
At the head of the demonstration was a big red sign belonging to the
workers of the Fiat factory in Milan, which was placed on the speakers'
platform afterwards. Behind them were the other union entourages, most
notably that of the CGIL union federation. Important sectors of the
Italian working class met in Florence to oppose Bush and Berlusconi's
war, all the more important when the Italian workers are facing an
unending war against their rights and their very existence.
These workers, unionists, and youth who demonstrated are the same people
who fought for the survival of entire sectors of Italian industry
against the attacks by American multinationals, against unemployment,
against the instability, or for the defense of education. When
Berlusconi was drawing up the 2003 budget in order to maintain his
commitments to the European Union, he did it amid generalized
opposition.
The anger of the European people against the war is also anger against
the social and economic dismantling taking place.
Similar demonstrations followed the one in Florence in London, New York,
San Francisco and Lahore (Pakistan).
The references to the anti-war movement in the United States and the
call "Not in our name!" have been widely proclaimed on each
occasion.
It was the first major mass mobilization against the war since the UN
resolution vote.
The mobilization of the Italian workers and peoples is a call for unity,
in all of Europe and on a global scale, to stop the war immediately.
**********
French Antilles
Guadeloupe
Interview with Gaby Clavier
Foreign Relations Representative, UGTG Union Federation of Guadeloupe
The General Union of Workers of Guadeloupe (UGTG), the majority union in
Guadeloupe, has just called for a mobilization against the American
petroleum company Texaco.
This occurred at a time when the situation of unemployment and
instability was reaching critical levels in Martinique and Guadeloupe.
What's more, the major hotel chain Accor just announced its withdrawal
from the islands, on the specific pretext, in a letter from the
president of the group directed to Eliseo, of "labor costs four to
five times higher" than the other islands in the region (Cuba,
Dominican Republic, etc.).
It is amidst this situation that we are meeting with Gaby Clavier,
ex-Secretary General of the UGTG, currently in charge of foreign
relations for the federation.
The strike called by the UGTG is in the headlines, but little has been
said about the massive professors' strike in Guadeloupe last September.
What was it about?
The formidable mobilization of professors, who were grouped in a
coalition of trade unions, along with two student parent federations of
Guadeloupe, during fifteen days, from the 3rd to the 18th of September
of 2002, could not help but gain wide popular support and the strong
support of the union federations of the non-faculty workers. Obtaining
261 job positions more than the 527 demanded is significant. It
demonstrates above all the importance of the measures necessary when
dealing with an educational system that has failed in our country.
On the other hand, in a more general way, the dynamism of the social
movement in Guadeloupe, the difficulty of the struggles, the quality of
the demands raised in all the sectors also gives testimony to the
determination of the workers of Guadeloupe not to capitulate. To reveal
the class antagonisms, which some pretend no longer apply today given
that everyone supposedly has an interest in the company; to reject
"the responsible" participation, the accords, the
co-management and social peace, constitutes a strategic election. In
other words, although it is said that when we demanded professors,
nurses, a wage, and work conditions essential for our stability, that we
cause capital flight and cause employment problems, our conviction is
firm. We have nothing more than a subsidiary economy, destined to assure
the major metropolises of the products that are needed for a consumer
market and a fiscal paradise for the European companies.
What is the conflict with the Texaco multinational?
Seven men, four in charge of gasoline pumps and three tanker drivers,
have confronted the Texaco-Chevron multinational in Guadeloupe from the
16th of September of 2002, that is to say, two months. The four in
charge of gas pumps have as their legitimate simple demand the cession
of the station in which they have been working for twenty years, as a
result of the end of their employer's rent-management contract. The
three tanker drivers who supply the network of fourteen Texaco stations
had the bad idea to support to their brothers; they were fired while
they were on strike because of their "irregular absences".
Nevertheless, an agreement has been reached, after eleven days of
strike, with the management Texaco of Guadeloupe. Only the leadership of
Texaco of Miami has not validated this agreement, but, above all,
MEDEF-Guadeloupe, the other petroleum companies and the French State
have intervened to advise against the firm. What resulted, after one
month, is a conflict of greater importance in which Texaco, supported by
the services of the State, the DRIRE, the police, the prosecutor and the
court, multiplied the number of possible illegal offenses in order to
try and bring about the failure of the workers' struggle.
The drivers are being dismissed and replaced by drivers from Martinique,
the trucks are armored and they put grates on windshields to assure the
distribution. The supplying of the stations is done with a police
escort, helped by armed militia with weapons at hand, with cold steel
and with pit-bull dogs.
The activists are questioned and placed in custody.
With the help of the local media and on 4x4 publicity posters, a
campaign of tainting and manipulation of public opinion is organized.
Texaco and the French State, totally illegally, with their financial
means and repressive measures have put down everything they have in
order to face down seven workers.
Necessarily, in the coming days, the strike will extend to all of the
petroleum companies and to all active sectors, public and private, of
Guadeloupe.
The struggles of the workers of Guadeloupe bring with them a ferocious
repression against the activists of the UGTGŠ
It is clear that the French State has decided to serve as the police and
judicial apparatus to try and silence us, to criminalize our union
commitments, to terrorize our activists. Systematically, after every
conflict, our activists are persecuted for blocking the freedom to work,
or for "violence" against the non-strikers or the security
forces, in spite of the conclusion of the accords that stipulate a
ceasing of the persecutions.
We saw it in 1999: four months of hard time in prison for Armand Toto;
in 2000, twelve days of hard time in prison for Michel Madassamy. The
accusation never needed witnesses, nor proofŠthe connection with the
UGTG was enough. Today, we are going to pay several tens of thousands of
euros in fines, close to five years in prison with the sentence
suspended for all of the convicted activistsŠ
Nevertheless, 50% of conflicts have as their motivation the application
of the law, of conventions or collective bargaining contracts and 30%
refer to abusive layoffs that had no respect for procedures or were
against union activists.
Together with the organizations of the ILC and the other political and
union organizations of the Caribbean, the UGTG is coordinating the
Caribbean Conference, December 12 and 13, in Guadeloupe. Can you tell us
what issues it will deal with?
Unionism on the offensive, class struggle and the dissension we
practice, conform to the situation of social relations in Guadeloupe. It
is the answer to the relations of colonial domination and exploitation
that characterize our country. In order to continue existing, Guadeloupe
must reinforce and give dimension to its initiatives, linking them to
the struggles of other workers in the world.
If the social movement, of which we are the principle movers, is so
lively, so questioning, so political, it is because we have worked
constantly to use the regulation that protects us from the intentions of
the capitalists and their political allies.
We have been able to form international support each time that our
struggles have needed it in order to win the demands of the workers.
Thus, we spontaneously support the initiative of the activists of the
International Liaison Committee for Workers and Peoples.
We know that the FTAA, ALENA, MERCOUSUR and the European Union
constitute organizations that are essentially destined to oppress our
people even more. Faced with them, and with their directives,
recommendations, and processes of harmonization and adjustment, the
workers and the people have understood that they must confront them and
impose a different world.
We will be very proud to host these unionists from the Caribbean and
South America in our country. We will be very honored by their presence,
and happy as well to break the isolation that France has imposed on us.
To discuss, exchange experiences and agree on building something that
will permit the working class of our respective countries to give a
greater dimension to our struggles, more pertinence to our analysis, and
hope to our people, this is what is at stake.
Compiled by Jean-Paul Gady
Member of the National Bureau of the Workers Party (France) Informations
Ouvrieres, #564
**********
Switzerland:
More than 8,000 job positions threatened in the postal classification
centers, unions fight to abolish this disastrous and unacceptable
project
Confirming his defeat after the referendum that rejected the
privatization of electricity, Minister Moritz Levenberger declared that
same afternoon of September 22 that the "liberalization can
continue uninterrupted" (Le Temps, September 23, 2002).
Does he really think things are going to happen that way? Blind and
deaf, can our Minister be capable of ignoring that, even thought the
Federal Parliament has voted for the law on the postal market, the
leaders of the union of Communications Workers are calling for the
immediate withdrawal of the Gygi restructuring plan, while the postal
workers call for a strike to prevent the thousands of layoffs predicted
by the government?
Can they ignore the voices that are being raised in their own
parliamentary faction, whether it be against the restructuring of the
Postal Service of against the LME?(2)
Can they ignore the voices of the Swiss socialist youth leadership
committee that call for their dismissal? What's more, in relation to
this issue, the national advisor Jean Claude Rennwald estimates that
"the election of a combative figure would not resolve the question
of the participation of the SP in the Federal council".
Nevertheless, according to him, in an era marked by an offensive of the
right against public services, against social security and against
workers(Š), the SP should set the conditions of its participation in a
government".
Whatever the response to this question, one thing is certain: the defeat
of Levenberger over the issue of the LME is also the defeat of the
Federal Council, which collegially took up the directives of
liberalization of Public Services from the European Union.
Blind and deaf, can the government be capable of daring, in spite of the
vote of September 22, to continue moving forward with the liberalization
of the last kilometer of Swisscom?
Don't they see how the abyss that exists is widening between the
policies of privatization on one side and, on the other, the aspirations
of the wage earners of this country?
One thing is certain, the mobilization of 15,000 workers on August 31st
could not be ignored, nor could the strike of the construction workers
to try ad make them respect the treaty on retirement at 60 years old.
Nor can the fact be ignored that the SP affirmed: "the wave of
liberalization has finally ended". Now, the conditions are finally
right to retake the initiative against the liberalizations.
To this end, the editorial committee of the "Journal" has
decided that since the union of the SSU and the SP, the conditions are
right to achieve the maintenance of the CFF, of Swisscom, as well as the
public companies. Now it is about supporting us on the victory of
September 22 in order to stop the breakup of the postal Service, and
more concretely, to stop the layoffs provoked by the restructuring of
the centers for postal classification (REMA). It is about rebuilding the
struggle to conquer Public Works Statutes. A struggle that certainly is
not easy, but which without a doubt corresponds to the will of the
workers and the great majority of the population.
Editorial by Alexandre Anor
Journal #255 October 25, 2002
UCPO (Union of Circles for Labor Policies) Monthly
Endnotes:
(1) USS Swiss Trade Union
(2) LME Law of Electricity Liberalization
(3) CFF, Swisscom, Swiss operators
**********
Switzerland is at the doorstep of the largest strike in 55 years. The
country awaits a strike of 10,000 construction workers next Monday.
Unions and businesses make mutual accusations about early retirement.
Berne
The dispute between the bosses and the unions about early retirement in
construction has become a test of force and looks like it will end up in
the largest strike that Switzerland has seen in 55 years. More than
10,000 workers from the sector will participate in it next Monday. It is
an action that the business owners are calling illegal, claiming to have
made a "generous offer".
The Association of Swiss Businessmen (SSE) broke the valid contract
ratified last Spring by its delegates and thus "tricked" the
workers, depriving them of the early retirement promised since January
of 2003, and on Thursday made accusation directed at the president of
the Industrial and Construction Union (SIB), Vasco Pedrina. This
breaking of a contract is new in the history of social collaboration.
From this point on, the unions have not had any elections in which to be
able to defend themselves, explained Vasco Pedrina. According to the
president of the SIB, the hard line is being imposed in the SSE. Its
members not only want to bury the convention on retirement at 60 years,
but beyond this, to debilitate the social collaboration and even reduce
it down to nothing. This coming Monday, the strike movements will
concentrate in the major areas that represent the nerve center of the
construction sector, stated Hansuell Scheidegger, Secretary General of
the SIB. It will last throughout the day and end with demonstrations. In
Tessino and in Geneva the strike will be practically a general strike.
In all of Switzerland more than 10,000 workers will participate.
If after the day of striking, the unions don't obtain a solution duly
signed by mid November, the movement will continue and will broaden.
AP --The Associated Press October 31, 2002
**********
Brazil
The Debate in the Labor Movement
A few weeks after 52 million youth and workers proclaimed their desire
for a sovereign nation and the freedom to decide their future by voting
the Workers Party (PT) into power, a team from the IMF landed in Brazil.
They came to ensure the "correct implementation" and
imposition of the "recommendations" of the IMF, particularly
in relation to the reduction of budgetary spending, the application of
the retirement reforms demanded by "the markets", the payment
of the debt, etc.
All attention has been focused on such things as the "Economic and
Social Development Council", the "National Labor Forum",
and the "Social Pact." The first days of the transition which
should direct the official assuming of the functions of the Lula
presidency, visibly revolve, and increasingly more so, around the
question of the relationship between the new government and the
"social movement". An "informal" meeting was held on
November 7th. There was a debate on the "Economic and Social
Development Council" created by Lula. It appears that this council,
if it sees the light of day, would be nothing more than a
"consulting organ, linked to the presidency of the republic and
whose members would be named by it." Its function would be to
"seek consensus that would facilitate the work of the National
Congress" (the House of Representatives). For his part, the
coordinator of the transition team, Antonio Palocci (1), declared that
this council would be "an embryo of the Social Pact."
On the other hand, a "National Labor Forum" is to be formed,
composed of union federations and employer organizations. A first
meeting has been set for this coming November 26th. It will take place
in the Chemical Workers union in Sao Paulo. This forum was supported by
a tripartite "sectoral assembly" in the different production
sectors (metal work, chemical, civil construction, etc.). The FIESP, the
powerful employers federation of the state of Sao Paulo, which in fact
speaks in the name of all Brazilian bosses, asked Lula for "the
calendar and objectives for these meetings" which he has proposed.
According to the daily Folha de Sao Paulo, (November 13), "Some
issues are already guaranteed to be on the agenda of this "sectoral
assembly": collective bargaining contracts, the reduction of the
workday without wage losses, modernization of the union structure, the
reform of labor legislation and the reform of the retirement
system."
"We are in favor of all forms of negotiation. We had no space for
negotiation with the Cardoso government because its logic was another.
But this does not mean an automatic alignment with the new
government", explained Joao Felice, president of the CUT, which
represents 21.7 million workers in Brazil. According to him, "the
CUT will maintain its autonomy in the face of the government
power". "We do not want to establish a promiscuous relations
with anyone," he added.
According to Julio Turra, member of the Executive Committee of the CUT:
"It would not be good for anyone to confuse things. The government
is the government-and, of course, the CUT views the Lula government in a
favorable light--, but the bosses are the bosses, and the union is the
union. We should be open to any proposal for negotiation. We will
participate in them with a positive spirit, on the basis of the union
platform of the CUT. We will sign whenever it is possible, that is to
say, each time there is an advance, however small, for the workers.
There can be no obligation for results. We are not in favor of the
policy of the empty chair. But we do not confuse "presence"
with "participation". We represent the interests of our bases,
of the workers, we are not legislators."
This point of view is shared by the vast majority of the unionists of
the CUT. The national federation of workers of Banca, affiliated with
the CUT, just reiterated, on November 12th, that "being
organizations which represent the workers, the institutional
relationship of the unions (with the Lula government) is based on
autonomy and independence."
With respect to the "national labor forum", Julio Turra points
out that the "sectoral assembly", on which they are to be
based, were established by the preceding governments and have played a
very negative role for the workers. In the metal industry, for example,
"it was in these "sectoral assemblies" that the
government of the state of Sao Paulo exonerated the multinational
automakers from taxes, and where the bosses also promised to maintain
the "level of employment", a vague term which hides the
reality of thousand of job losses--, in exchange for "productive
measures", the acceptance on the part of the unions for a salary
freeze, the flexibilization of the work day and of social rights. The
result: there have been layoffs and the destruction of important rights
and guarantees. We should not commit the same mistake twice."
Joao Penha
Correspondent
**********
China
Liayong Appeal
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF THE LIAOYANG WORKERS' DELEGATES
Yao Fuxin, Pang Qingxiang, Xiao Yunliang and Wang Zhaoming
Today, October 20, marks seven months since the arrest on March
17, 2002, of the Liaoyang Four: Yao Fuxin, Pang Qingxiang, Xiao Yunliang
and Wang Zhaoming. During these seven months, the Liaoyang Four have
been under detention with no formal charges brought against them.
In September 2002, the former manager of the Ferroalloy Factory in
Liaoyang was arrested and charged with corruption. Thus, the authorities
acknowledged implicitly that the Liaoyang workers were right when in
March they began demonstrating against corruption.
According to the law of the People's Republic of China (PRC), suspects
can be detained for six and a half months at the most. This includes a
three-month investigation by the public security bureau , plus a
one-and-a-half month examination by the city's Attorney General, plus
two follow-up one-month investigations.
The maximum detention length is therefore seven months, including public
holidays.
Though they were arrested seven months ago, Yao Fuxin, Pang Qingxiang,
Xiao Yunliang and Wang Zhaoming are still in jail with no formal
charges.
By Chinese law they should be released. Yao Fuxin, Pang Qingxiang, Xiao
Yunliang and Wang Zhaoming should be released immediately.
The Liaoyang Four were arrested in violation of ILO Conventions 98 and
87 , pertaining to the right to organise in the union of their choice
and the right to bargain. Their demands and grievances are legitimate.
An injury to one is an injury to all!
We, the undersigned trade unionists, from around the world, call on the
international labour movement to endorse this appeal to be addressed to
the authorities of the People's Republic of China:
Release immediately Yao Fuxin, Pang Qingxiang, Xiao Yunliang and Wang
Zhaoming!
A few weeks before the opening session of the Chinese Communist Party
Congress, by releasing those whose only crime is to have used the
traditional means of the working class to pursue their grievances, the
Chinese authorities would show -- by complying with the law of the PRC,
to their credit -- that they have chosen to follow the path of
reason.
Endorsers:
Hong Kong
China Labour Bulletin ; Michael Siu, HKCTU (CISL); Lee Cheuk Yan, HKCTU
(CISL).
Bangladesh
Tafazzul Hussain, President. Bangladesh Jatiyo Sramik Federation
Zakir Hossain, Secretary BJSF
Harun Chowdhury, Secretary Railway workers union. Bangladesh
Ahmed Kabir, Secretary Ispahani Textile workers union
USA & Canada
Baldemar Velasquez, President, Farm Labor Organizing Committee
(FLOC/AFL-CIO), Toledo, Ohio;
Walter Johnson, Secretary-Treasurer, San Francisco Labor Council
(AFL-CIO), San Francisco, California;
Nancy Wohlforth, Business Manager, OPEIU Local 3, South San Francisco,
California;
Zev Kvitky, Vice President, SEIU Local 715, Stanford, California;
Ed Rosario, Vice President, GCIU Local 4-N, San Francisco, California;
Alan Benjamin, Communications Director, OPEIU Local 3, San Francisco,
California;
Julian Kunnie, American Federation of Teachers, Dept. of Africana
Studies, Tucson, Arizona;
Arnie Welber, Legislative Director, Miami Area Local, American Postal
Workers Union, AFL-CIO, Miami, Florida;
R. M. Andrews, American Postal Workers Union, AFL-CIO, Sherwood,
Arizona;
David Waltlers, Shop Steward, IBEW Local 1245, San Francisco, CA;
Hal Sutton, Trustee, UAW Local 1268, Belvidere, Illinois;
Richard Lochner, RL: American Postal Workers Union (APWU), Portland,
Oregon
Natasha Beck, Assn. of Teachers (PAT), Clark College, Vancouver,
Washington;
Linda Salas, Coalition of University Employees, San Diego, California;
Nellie Wong, University Professional & Technical Employees 7,
Communications Workers of America 9119, San Francisco, California;
Karl Kramer, Campaign Co-Director, San Francisco Living Wage Coalition,
San Francisco, California;
Peter Arata, Former Exec. Bd. member, American Postal Workers Union,
Greensboro, North Carolina;
Krista Husar, China Rights Campaign, Open World Conference, San
Francisco, California;
Robert Andrews, American Postal Workers Union, AFL-CIO, Sherwood,
Arkansas;
Bob Mandel, Executive Board, Oakland Education Assoc. (OEA), Oakland,
California;
James Seymour, Senior Research Scholar, Columbia University, New York,
N.Y.;
Joanne Husar, Labor Videographer, San Francisco, California;
Leon Chow, Lead Organizer, SEIU Local 250, San Francisco, California;
Fred Muzin, President, Hospital Employees' Union, Vancouver, B.C.,
Canada;
Terry Mulcahy, AFT Local 6155, Albuquerque, New Mexico;
Helen A. Spalding, AFSCME retiree, Chapter 1184, Subchapter 146, Port
Clinton, Ohio;
Susan Stout, Retired H&S rep, Canadian Auto Workers union (CAW),
North Vancouver, BC, Canada;
Millie Phillips, Editorial Board, The Organizer Newspaper, San
Francisco, California;
Labor Committee, Anarchist Action of Rochester, Rochester, New York;
Madeleine Scammell, Boston University School, of Public Health, Chelsea,
Massachussetts;
Patrick Bonner, United Teachers Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California;
Eric Chase, Industrial Workers of the World, Olympia, Washington;
Larry Small, No. California Media Workers Guild/Typographical Union
#39521, San Francisco, California;
Marlene Santoyo, Philadelphia Federation of Teacher, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania;
Jennie Pasquarella, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, New York, New
York;
Robert Rosoff, China Working Group, San Francisco, California;
Patty Jaundzems, Office & Prof. Employees Local 3, AFL-CIO, San
Francisco, California.
Korea
Jung Sikhwa, Chairman Council of Hyundai Worker's Union
Spain
Blas Ortega, syndicaliste, UGT-FSP, Valence ;
Luis Gonzalez, syndicaliste hospitalier, CCOO Séville ;
Angel Campabadal, UGT FES, Barcelone ;
Jose Miguel Villa, UGT, FES, Madrid ;
Jesus Béjar, syndicaliste métallurgie, CCOO Madrid.
France
Rose Boutaric, syndicaliste ;
Marie-Edmonde Brunet, syndicaliste ;
François Chaintron, syndicaliste ;
Hyacine Hadj Hamou, syndicaliste.
UK
Ben Rickman Secretary Brent Trades Council
Howard Moss University of Wales Association of University
Teachers (AUT)
Andy Scally University of Bradford AUT
Malcolm Peel Regional Chair The Fire Brigades Union
Neil Thompson Regional Chair The Fire Brigades Union
Rob Traynor London School of Economics, UNISON
Dr Michael Loughlin Manchester Metropolitan University NATFHE
Rajmil Fischman Keele University AUT
Dr S.J. Harrold, Manchester Metropolitan University
Lial Herringshaw University of Birmingham
Marian Pallister National Union of Journalists (NUJ)
Dave Berry University of Loughborough Association of University
Teachers
Jeanette Findlay University of Glasgow Association of University
Teachers
Dr Guido Bonsaver Royal Holloway College University of London
Association of University Teachers
Dr Brian McNeil University of Strathclyde Educational Institute of
Scotland, AUT
Martin Moloney London School of Economics
Robert Boyce London School of Economics Local Executive of AUT
Paul Liversey UNISON
Tom Tracey EIS Inverclyde Local Association
Mike Hewitt Canterbury Christ Church University College UNISON
Graham Lindsay Unison
The Netherlands
Petra Ploeg secretary local branch migrant group AbvaKabo FNV
Switzerland
Eric Decarro, président national du syndicat des services publics ;
Jean-Claude Rennwald, vice-président de l'USS, conseiller national ;
Magdalena Zarjac, présidente de la section "Berne-USS" ;
Luc Deley, président du syndicat des services publics région de Genève.
**********
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