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A dossier of weekly information published by the International Introduction In this issue of the ILC International Newsletter, you will find all the central texts allowing you to develop the international campaign in solidarity with the Mexican people. We are publishing an interview with Augusto Fernando Ruiz Medina, a teacher and member of Section 22 of the SNTE Oaxaca and delegate to the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO). You will also find the Appeal In Solidarity with the Mexican People, to sign and distribute. At this moment, 5,000 workers, teachers, peasants, and youth of Oaxaca are marching toward Mexico to raise their demands. As we go to press, the newsbriefs available to us point to a possible military intervention on the part of the army. Every hour counts! Section 22 of the SNTE has launched an international solidarity appeal. We are also publishing the position written by the National Federation of Education and Culture, Force Ouvriere of France. Please send to Section 22 and the ILC your messages of support. We are also publishing the resolution adopted by the Executive Committee of the PRD: "The solution to the conflict in Oaxaca must be pacific and through dialogue. Š The resignation of Ulises Ruiz from the government of Oaxaca is indispensable but insufficient. This step should open they way to a negotiated solution." You will also find in this issue an interview with a CGT unionist from France, concerning the founding congress of the International Trade Union Confederation. Support the campaigns of the ILC! Subscribe to the ILC International Newsletter! ----- Table of Contents: Contact: ********************
An Interview with Jean-Charles Marquiset Following the Geneva Conference, the ILC International Newsletter has published several contributions concerning the plans to create the ITUC. The founding congress will take place on November 1-3, after the dissolution congresses of the ICFTU (the reformist confederation) and the WCL (the Christian confederation). ILC: You've read the draft statutes and the programmatic resolution of the congress. What is its content? JCM: I have been in the CGT for 30 years. There are all sorts of discussions, but the principles of our organization are summarized in our statutes: "Preamble: The CGT fights for a democratic society, freed from capitalist exploitation Š Ruled by the logic of profit, our current society is characterized by the class struggle. Š Article 1: Taking into account the fundamental antagonism between the wage earners and the bosses, between needs and profits, the CGT fights capitalist exploitation and all forms of exploitation of the wage earners. That is the base of its mass class character." The CGT, in its statutes and practice, thinks that there exists social classes with opposed interests. When we speak of a class trade union it is not for nothing. But all possibilities to defend these positions is prohibited by the statutes. This is the negation of democracy and federalism. ILC: What precisely is at the heart of the statutes? JCM: The essence is the creation of a centralized organization which negates all federalist traditions and which undermines all the positions and sovereignty of the national affiliated organizations. Article 4 states: "a) The General Council has the right to suspend and the congress has the right to exclude any affiliated organization that it judges has broken these present statutes, or has taken actions contrary to the interests of the confederation - or inaction." And who will judge inactivity? On what criteria? Where is the respect for the democratic bases of federalism of the workers' movement? An affiliated organization can be kicked out for "breaking the statutes" or "taking actions contrary to the interests of the confederation." Thus, the CGT, to not be excluded, must subordinate itself to the principles of the statutes, which affirm that: "The ITUC assumes the task of fighting for the democratic governance of the economy." But we're taking about the capitalist economy. To not be excluded, must the CGT accept being integrated into the governance of the capitalist economy? That is, must it be co-responsible for governing with the international institutions? Would it have been necessary, in the name of the statutes, to have called for a YES to the European Constitution, like the ETUC, to not be excluded? Let us return for moment to February 2005. The National Confederate Committee of the CGT called for rejecting the European Constitution. Later, the people said NO on May 29. Nobody can deny that the vast majority of the workers, pensioners, unemployed, and the youth said NO to the destruction by the EU of all their collective rights, the Labor Code, the collective contracts, social security, pensions, etc. To be in conformity with the ITUC, would the CGT have had to go against this movement? The main problem is that neither the CGT nor any other confederation has the right to defend its own point of view. Thus, for example, Article 8 states: "The affiliated organizations must submit to the General Secretary the names of their representatives at least 3 months before the Congress." Submit. Not transmit. So the CGT and other organizations would not have full sovereignty to designate their delegates? This is unprecedented in an international trade union organization. And there are other similar articles. ILC: If we understand, you feel that a discussion is necessary concerning whether or not the CGT should affiliate to the ITUC, in light of the break it represents with all the traditions of the CGT? JCM: Of course, I, like all trade unionists, am in favor of a real international trade union, because the interests of the workers and peoples of the world are the same. Nobody can deny that there are exploiters and exploited. But will we be able to defend this position in the ITUC? Evidently not. Thus, it is necessary to be clear. The texts were sent by the confederation to the departmental unions and the federations on August 30. For questions of time, many departmental unions have not yet sent these texts to the trade unions. I repeat: One can only be happy that the texts are being published. But the national leadership meeting of the CGT took place on September 27. It was not conceivable for a decision to be made on that date. Concerning the European Constitution, months of debate took place among the union members. The CGT, in its recent congresses, made it clear "that the union member must be the agent and decision maker." Thus, on such an important question, let's take our time. Months of debate are necessary. ILC: Yes, but the congress will take place on November 1. JCM: Already, numerous organizations, from many continents, have decided to not affiliate at this congress. Certain organizations are only sending observers. Why? Nobody, tomorrow, can prevent the CGT from joining or not, depending on the opinion of the majority the ranks. ILC: Your positions is, therefore, that one should decide to affiliate at this congress. JCM: I heard comrade Bernard Thibault, the head of international relations of the CGT and Guy Juquel say that it is necessary to immediately join this new organization, to not be isolated. They have the right hold that position. But we should recall they were against the majority's decision in the CGT international leadership to reject the European Constitution. At the time, they explained publicly that they were in a minority because the union members had not sufficiently debated. And, today, they want to solve everything within a month? It's not conceivable. I think that for such an unimportant subject, which affects the future of the CGT and the international trade union movement, it would make sense to convoke an extraordinary congress or to wait until the next confederate congress to make a decision. In preparing for this interview, I prepared two specific notes. You can publish these to illustrate our dialogue. ----- 1. There is no way to express disagreement. This is a prohibition of union democracy! Let's look at the ability to defend one's position. The "Statute 9 concerning agendas" specifies in its point e) that, "texts that have not been sent 6 months in advance must be submitted to the General Council. The GC can decided to present them to the congress, Š but its decision is definitive." Thus the General Council can decide whether or not to present a draft resolution of an affiliated organization! Not only is the congress not sovereign, but the national confederations are denied their rights to defend their position. And Article 7 on the proceedings of the congress specifies that, "if the president feels that there are no essential differences, he/she can close the debate and if the demand is made, a vote can be taken. f) the president can ask a speaker to take his/her seat if his/her observations are outside the framework of the discussion." This is worse than the 5th Republic! If a speaker of the CGT or any other organization begins to register a disagreement, he or she can be interrupted and forced to sit down. Where is the free expression? Where is the federalism? 2. Many organizations will not join this new ITUC Many organizations from Africa, Asia, and Latin America - notably the COB of Bolivia and the UNT of Venezuela - will not join the ITUC. The WTUC itself declares that it won't join the new ITUC. And among the organizations that, with the CGT, are part of the "contact group" of non-affiliated organizations, neither the CGT of Portugal, the CGT of Peru, of the PIT-CNT of Uruguay have decided to go to the November 1 congress. ***********************
The people say, "Teachers, don't betray us! Interview with Augusto Fernando Reyes Medina, a teacher and member of Section 22 of the SNTE Oaxaca and delegate to the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO) Reyes Medina, is a teacher and member of Section 22 of the SNTE Oaxaca and delegate to the APPO, which was built during the intense class struggle that has taken place for the past months, beginning with the strike of the teachers and their unions. Reyes Medina was in the Zocalo on September 16, with one million other delegates to the CND, organized by Lopez Obrador to reject the electoral fraud, affirm the sovereignty of the people and declare AMLO the president, elected on July 2. This is when we met with Reyes Medina. Seeing as the outgoing president has just announced that federal troops will be sent in to crush the strike and the APPO, this interview is even more important. This yet another reason to deepen the signature campaign around the international support for the Mexican people. (See page 5.) Sign and distribute this appeal!
ILC: What circumstances led the teachers to mobilize in Oaxaca? FRM: Last march, we put forward a petition to the education authorities of the state of Oaxaca to resolve the problems caused by the so-called rezonification of the wages, which created a disparity of wages inside the states, with the teachers in the touristy towns making more than in the indigenous towns. We called for all teachers to make the same, independently of their location. There were demands for shoes for the children and a rise in the number of breakfasts offered at school. Oaxaca has high rates of malnutrition. ILC: Then what happened? FRM: After receiving no response, we decide on May 22 to go out on an unlimited strike. The schools were shut down on all levels. Section 22 of my union, the SNTE, covers all levels of education; all levels are integrated into Section 22. We all decided to strike to win our demands and we set up a picket line in the city of Oaxaca. We were there until June 14, when the State Governor decided to forcefully break up the picket. ILC: What is the name of the governor and what party is he affiliated to? FRM: His name is Ulises Ruiz Ortiz and he is a member of the PRI, the traditional party of the oligarchy. He has been governor for two years. He won due to electoral fraud. The PRD candidate was declared the loser. He is an expert at electoral fraud. This time, during the July elections, he was massively defeated. While two years ago, there was high abstentions (with only 30 to 40% of voters voting), during the July 2 vote, we teachers called for a "sanction vote" against the PAN and the PRI, which motivated many people to vote. Thousands and thousands voted PRD. All of the MPs representing Oaxaca are now of the PRD. To return to our struggle: We have fought 26 years, since 1980, in defense of public education. For the past two years, we have led bitter struggles against structural reforms. We are a part, as Section 22, of the National Coordination of Educational Workers in Defense of Social Security, against the privatization threats against the ISSSTE. In response to our demands concerning the rezonification, a ridiculous sum was offered to us: a little over 1 peso for each of the 75,000 workers. So we decided to continue the strike. On June 14, we teachers responded to the attack against the picket line, defended ourselves, and succeed in pushing back the police. By taking control of the central plaza in Oaxaca on June 15, everything changed. The people massively supported the teachers and we integrated them into the struggle. And on July 16 the Popular Assembly (APPO) was formed with different organizations. ILC: How was the APPO formed? FRM: At first, it was made up of principally indigenous organizations, for example the COPEP, the united movement of the Triqui people, the Revolutionary Peoples Front, and an organization called Poor Peasants. These were the organization constituted the Assembly. But little by little, the mayors joined the Assembly, demanding the resignation of the governor, though the federal government says it is, "exaggerated to demand the depart of Ulises Ruiz for repressing striking workers. The governor declared during his electoral campaign that he would no longer permit protests and picket lines Oaxaca; all were supposed to go to work. That is why so many people support us. They know that we are the biggest union in the state and, from experience, that they can count on us. Now in Oaxaca each night there is a call to build barricades in strategic points, in the intersections in the neighborhoods, downtown, and in the outskirts. The people come out with their stones and paperboards. They watch over the neighborhood all night, of course, with the support of the teachers. There are now towns of barricades; everybody has them, from 10PM to 6 Am. Every night there are barricades. The governor has used against us the method of sending out armed men in cars without license plates. This has already cause many deaths. They killed a mechanic at a protest; others were killed in an attack against the two radio stations we occupied. They also killed an engineer during a shoot-out provoked by the armed cars. Now everybody has a radio. Everybody informs each other if there a suspected car or any suspicious movement at night. This is a legitimate attitude of self-defense. ILC: And now what is the situation? FMR: The leadership of the movement is Section 22, the teachers. The people say, "Teachers, don't betray us! Don't give back the arms!" We are like the current vanguard to the people. Will Section 22 live up to its responsibilities? Now, it seems like the leaders are getting ready to make a deal with the government. But there is the APPO and the leaders must consult it before making any decision. And the last decision made, on September 3, was that despite the suspensions, despite the fact that communities controlled by the PRI have young students working in the schools, despite all the problems, the teachers decided to continue to be on the side of the people, as defined by the APPO. The main demand is now, the resignation of the governor, the tyrant, as some call him. For us, he is no longer governor. And, now, he has accepted a committee to negotiate. It is a committee formed by 17 members of Section 22 and 17 representatives of the APPO. This Thursday, the 3rd interview with the secretary of state will take place. For 26 years, we have never had a Secretary of State come here. Up until the present, we have only been visited by third or fourth run functionaries. But this time, the secretary of state himself came out. He said he would find a solution, but in reality, on September 17, we learned in the press that he has begun again to call for an intervention by the federal forces. The situation has become more complicated, because last week a document of the CONAGO came out. ILC: What is the CONAGO? FMR: The CONAGO is the National Conference of Governors, made up of all the governors of all the parties, including the PRD. How are we to understand that the PRD supported Ulises Ruiz Ortiz? It was with anger that we saw the PRD representative to the Congress of the State of Oaxaca sign his support for Ulises Ruiz Ortiz. ILC: In your opinion, is the APPO truly a united-front of all the peoples' and workers' organizations in Oaxaca? FMR: The APPO is based principally on the municipalities. In towns that are facing the destruction of their forests, such as in the region of Isthme, the governments aim to sell off the natural resources. So the indigenous communities come to the APPO to defend their forests and rivers. This what feeds the APPO. I think this is what pushes the vast majority of teachers. Several times in the city of Oaxaca, I have seen women carrying tortillas to sell in town. They march for hours because there is no bus, carrying very heavy tortillas on their back. They tell us, "Teachers, don't retreat. Continue!" I also see extremely poor people who give you 50 pesos to support the struggle. This is what keeps us going. Now on the barricades there are teachers who say: "I will never retreat!" We are here (at the National Democratic Convention) because we support the position of Lopez Obrador. But there are some positions that the mass movement is in disagreement with, such as supporting Ulises Ruiz Ortiz. They want us to return to work. But we want our demands to be met: we want the resignation of the governor; on these questions, the teachers are firm. This is the position of the APPO. That is what Obrador should say. We are in our third interview with the Minister of State in Mexico. ILC: What proposals are they going to make? FMR: The first is that we go back to work. That is what we refuse to do. They are also asking for us to give back the radio stations that we've taken. I even read in the press that they are demanding that we give back the bus. The people, the workers, respond, "No, no, no!" In other words, it will be hard to satisfy the secretary on these points and it will be very hard for the workers below to accept going back to work. We know what returning to work means in Oaxaca, where 70% of the territory is mountainous; it means hiking to arrive at school. The demands must be satisfied and the governor must leave. That's all. We cannot return to work before then. Now, with the federal threat, the teachers say, "we'd sooner take a beating than go back to work without winning our demands." (Interview conducted by Daniel Gluckstein, on September 16, 2006 in Mexico City) ------
Throughout the world, the people want democracy, self-determination and national sovereignty to be respected. Today, the Mexican people are standing up to defend these principles. The struggle of the Mexican people for their sovereignty is the struggle of all the peoples and nations for their sovereignty. The Mexican people's refusal to accept an unelected president is just and legitimate. Their call for a vote by vote, ballot box by ballot box recount of the July 2 election results -- a call that went unheeded by the Mexican authorities -- is just and legitimate. Seeing as this demand of the Mexican people has not been respected, we consider just and legitimate the decisions of the National Democratic Convention -- which met in the Zócalo of Mexico City on September 16, with the participation of over one million delegates from all states of the country -- to (1) refuse to recognize Felipe Calderón as the elected president of Mexico, (2) proclaim Andrés Manuel López Obrador president, and (3) affirm, based on Article 39 of the Mexican Constitution, that sovereignty lies with the people and the people have the right to change the form of government. In this sense, we consider just and legitimate the decision of the National Democratic Convention to pave the way for the convening of a National Constituent Assembly, through which the Mexican people -- without foreign interference -- can define for themselves the institutions that will guarantee democracy, self-determination, measures of social progress, and the defense of national sovereignty. For our part, with full respect for the sovereignty of the Mexican people, we solemnly pledge to spread the news widely in our own countries about the real situation in Mexico and to call for international solidarity with this just cause of the Mexican people. The defense of the sovereignty of Mexico is the defense of the sovereignty of all nations! The respect for democracy in Mexico is the respect for democracy in all nations! International delegates present at the National Democratic Convention Alan Benjamin (*), Editor of The Organizer newspaper, member of the National Steering Committee of U.S. Labor Against the War, and member of the Executive Committee of the San Francisco Labor Council (United States) Daniel Gluckstein, National Secretary of the Workers Party of France and International Coordinator of the International Liason Commitee of Workers and Peoples Julio Turra (*), National Executive Director of the United Workers Confederation of Brazil (CUT) Julio Yao, President of the Peace and Justice Service in Panama, Coordinator of Panamanians of Peace and Citizens' Action for the "No" (*) titles listed for id. only ----------
Combat helicopters, tanks and Marine Infantry Units have gathered against the strikers "Numerous military airplanes surveyed the capital of the state of Oaxaca. Helicopters are parked in the Salina Cruz airport and in the international airport. At least ten of them, of the PUMA style, and the air force airplanes are in the Bahias de Huantulco, where there are also an indeterminate amount of tanks, all terrain vehicles, command vehicles, and marine infantry soldiers." (Oaxaca Press, Sunday October 1) The same newspaper reports that, "the personnel at Benito Juarez international airport in Oaxaca report that Russian-made M-17s landed at 4PM, on Sunday October 1, with the certain infantry marines." The APPO decreed itself on "maximum alert," faced with the intervention threat. Later, the newspaper notes, "in Santa Maria Huatulco, in the coastal region of the State of Oaxaca, marine infantry units landed from five barges, with tanks and amphibious vehicles, riding to an un-specified location." In a declaration read by the spokesperson of the teachers of Section 22 of the SNTE, Antonio Sanchez Garcia, at a press conference organized on the night of October 1, the APPO announced that, "faced with a climate of tensions and rumors of an 'imminent' intervention by the army to take the central plaza of Oaxaca, the members of the APPO and the teachers of Section 22 of the SNTE and the workers and popular organizations that support them, decree a 'maximum alert.' Š It is necessary to denounce any provocations. Š All workers and peoples organizations should take to the streets in the case of repression against the people of Oaxaca." For Soledad Ortiz, a member of the APPO and the coordination of women of Oaxaca, any act of repression against the movement would in reality be "an act against all Mexicans." She reaffirmed that, "the mobilization of the people and the teachers is legitimate and will not cede to provocations." -----
1) The political crisis in Oaxaca deepens and becomes more mixed up everyday, making it harder and harder to solve. This is due to the negligence of the federal government, the shameful PRI-PAN alliance and the obstinacy of the governor of the State of Oaxaca, who is formally in power, although he has no popular support, nor the minimum conditions to govern. These are the causes of the repeated rejection of our call for months in the Senate to dissolve the power of this state. 2. The solution to the conflict in Oaxaca must be pacific and through dialogue. The utilization of violence will only complicate things, as was demonstrated on the evacuation (of the central plaza of the city of Oaxaca) which took place last June 14. It is a political problem that cannot be resolved through police action. 3. The resignation of Ulises Ruiz from the government of Oaxaca is indispensable but insufficient. This step should open they way to a negotiated solution, guaranteeing governability in the state and finding solutions to the deep problems. This requires a profound political and structural reform that balances the public powers, harmonizes and makes transparent the relations between different parties, union, and organizations of civil society, which guarantees free elections, and promotes citizen participation. 4. The theme of quality public education on all levels is an unquestionable priority for helping develop Oaxaca; that's why all measures for an urgent immediate improvement must be taken. 5. We are launching a firm call for human rights, without exception, to be respected, as well as the individual guarantees and the public freedoms for all the people of the state. We firmly reject all aims at imposing individual justice. 6. The pacific and negotiated solution is the only one that exists to generate the conditions for re-launching the local economy and promoting tourism once again, particularly because it is the only way to promote the necessary reconciliation of the society of Oaxaca. 7. The Senate of the Republic cannot continue to elude its responsibilities and if Ulises Ruiz continues to be at the head of power in the state, a power that in fact he does not posses, the Senate should immediately present a decree to be approved in plenary session, for the power in the state of Oaxaca to be dissolved. Signers, Leonel Cota Montaño (National President of the PRD) ************************
Montreuil, October 2, 2006 Vicente Fox QUESADA, President of the United States of Mexico Dear Mr. President, We have learned of the appeal for international solidarity launched by the leaders of Section 22 of the National Union of Education Work (SNTE-CNTE). The teachers of the state of Oaxaca have been on strike since May 22 for demands as basic as equal wages with other states and the providing of shoes and breakfast for the school children. There are 5,000 of them, supported by the workers, marching toward Mexico City to make their demands known. We have just learned that they are threatened with police repression. We also learned that four people have been killed and dozens wounded in recent weeks and that several arrests have taken place, particularly that of the former general secretary of Section 22 of the SNTE. Mr. President, we are on the eve of October 5, which marks this year the 40th anniversary of the common recommendation of the ILO and UNESCO, defining the responsibility of states in relation to teachers. This recommendation stipulates: Article 46: "The teachers must be effectively protected against arbitrary actions affecting their professional situation or career." Article 76: "The teachers should be protected against any abusive or unjustified interference." Article 114: "The recognized situation of the teachers in a society where the degree of importance assigned to their functions depends, largely, on their economic situation." Also, we would like to remind you that the freedom to unionize and protest is recognized by ILO Convention 87 and 98. Mr. President, our Federation, the FNEC FP Force Ouvriere, expresses its full solidarity with our colleagues of Section 22 of the SNTE and their demands. We demand that you refrain from any acts of repression and respect their demands. Confident that you will respond favorably to our request, we send you, Mr. President, our distinguished greetings. François CHAINTRON, Secrétaire Général
de la FNEC FP-FO -----
The movement of the teachers of Section 22 of the National Education Union and the people of Oaxaca is facing a terrible situation. The Secretario de Gobernación (Minister of the Interior), with the backing of all the governors of the country, has called on President Vicente Fox to "act with the strict respect for the law against all the destabilizing forces that aim to directly prejudice the constitutional order." This is an open call to use force against the movement. The bosses, the representatives of the Church, the media and a few mayors of all the parties have also called on the government to send a military expedition toward the State of Oaxaca. The strike movement of 70,000 teachers of the State of Oaxaca began around the wage issues of Section 22 of the SNTE last May. The teachers called for all teachers to receive the same wages throughout all the districts of the State of Oaxaca. On June 14, the PRI government headed by Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz unleashed a brutal attack against the strike encampments set up by the teachers in the center of the city of Oaxaca. But the teachers forced the police forces to retreat after five hours of confrontation. In response, the unions, neighborhood organizations, peasants and indigenous groups set up a Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), which organized five huge marches and -- with the decisive participation of the teachers -- set up barricades that were staffed for self-defense purposes throughout the night. The teachers and the population set up a political tribunal to fight for the demand, "Governor Ulises Ruiz must go!" The teachers and the APPO have occupied the headquarters of the executive, judicial, and legislative branches of the state, as well as the local private radios and the provincial television station. The governor, incapable of launching a massive attack against the teachers and the people, has utilized gangster methods, by sending in armed individuals with pistols to shoot at people on the barricades and at the marches. Four people have died in this way, and dozens have been injured. Four people have been arrested, among them Elangelio Mendoza Gonzalez, the former General Secretary of Section 22 of SNTE-CNTE. Currently, based on the decision of the General Assembly of Section 22 of the SNTE and representatives of the APPO, 5,000 teachers, health workers, and peasants are marching on Mexico City to express their resistance in the capital. They must travel more than 500 km (from the South to the North, crossing over the Western Sierra Madre mountain chain). They must also face state aggression. For its part, the Ministry of the Interior has organized a meeting of "all the sectors eager to find a solution to the Oaxaca problem" for this Wednesday. At the same time, it declared that "things have reached their limit in Oaxaca" and has threatened to send in 10,000 federal police. At the very moment we write these lines, several Navy helicopters are patrolling the skies of Oaxaca. A police assault could result in a bloodbath. The teachers and the population are ready to resist. They want to live peacefully and want to ensure that democracy is respected. And they want the will of the majority to be respected --that is, for Governor Ulises Ruiz to leave. That is why we are appealing to the unions of the whole world, particularly to the teachers' unions, to write to Carlos Abascal Carranza (Minister of the Interior) and Vicente Fox (President) to say: -- No to repression against the teachers and the people in the State of Oaxaca, Mexico! -- Respect the fundamental demand of the movement: Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz must step down immediately! The first signers calling for international solidarity: Professor Ezequiel Carreño Rosales, Organizational Secretary, Section 22 of the SNTE-CNTE; Professor Fernando Mendoza Perez, Coordinator of the Executive Committee of Section 22 of the SNTE-CNTE; Augusto Fernando Reyes Medina, member of the Executive Committee of Section 22 of the SNTE-CNTE; Professor Luis Vasquez Villalobos, delegate of the Union of the Workers of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (STUNAM); Javier Brena Alfaro, union delegate of the STUNAM; Gustavo Grajales, president of the Savings Fund of Section 40 of SNTE-CNTE; Misael Palma Lopez, member of Section 7 of the SNTE (Chiapas); Russel Aguilar Brindis, member of the committee of technical secondary school struggles, Section 7 of the SNTE (Chiapas); Humberto Martinez Brizuela, professor of the National Polytechnic Institute; Armando Pasos Cabrera, member of the Independent Workers Union of the Autonomous Metropolitan University (SITUAM); Gema Lopez Limon, professor of the National Autonomous University of Baja California. Send your messages to: and Carlos Abascal, Ministry of the Interior: Send a copy to Fernando Mendoza Perez, Member of the Executive Committee
of Section 22 of the SNTE-CNTE: Also, please send a copy of your letter to:
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