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A dossier of weekly information published by the
----- INTRODUCTION: Comrade Tafazzul Hussain, leader of the Democratic Workers Party of Bangladesh, died in Dacca on October 2. We pay homage to him in this issue. On November 10, the Democratic Workers Party will pay homage to him at a rally with delegations from the whole country. It will also be an international meeting for delegates from Asia who fight together for peace and democracy. MEXICO: On October 9, the caravan march of Section 22 of the SNTE and the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) arrived in Mexico City, after 19 days of a difficult march. Negotiations began with the government. We are publishing an article of El Trabajo, the newspaper of the Democratic Independent Workers Party (PTDI): "End the attacks against the movement, army out of Oaxaca, negotiate the economic, political, and social demands of the teachers and people of Oaxaca!" On November 1, the founding congress of the International Trade Union Confederation will take place in Vienna. We continue the discussion by publishing the positions taken by the trade union confederations of Peru, Uruguay, Bolivia, and Colombia. BRAZIL: The second round of the presidential election will take place next October 22. Lula, the candidate of the Workers Party, will face Alckmin, the candidate of the oligarchy of the country. You will find below a balance sheet of the results of the first round and a declaration of the O Trabalho current of the Workers Party. BOLIVIA: We are publishing a text on the violent actions against the Bolivian mineworkers. SPAIN: Our correspondents have sent us a contribution on the offensive against immigrants and workers' rights, following the decisions of the Summit of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Ministers of the Interior of the European Union, that demanded, "more severity Š against those who employ undocumented workers in the European Union." Subscribe to the ILC International Newsletter. In doing so, you will aid the permanent exchange between worker activists of the world and the initiatives of the ILC. ------ TABLE OF CONTENTS: p. 1: Introduction ------ Contact: Informations internationales Entente internationale des travailleurs et des peuples, 87, rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis -75010 Paris - France Tel: (33 1) 48 01 88 28E.mail: eit.ilc@fr.oleane.com - Site: www.eit-ilc.org *********************
Our Comrade Tafazzul Hussain, leader of the Democratic Workers Party, died in Dacca (Bangladesh) on October 2 A tribute to him took place in front of the headquarters of his party on Thursday the 4th, in the morning. Workers delegations from the textile factories, representing their trade union branches, were the first to speak. Next, leaders of the Democratic Workers Party spoke, followed by speakers from the delegations of the National Labor Union Federation (BJSF), of different regions of the union, as well as representatives of the regional committees of the Democratic Workers Party. All testified to the role played by Tafazzul in the workers' struggle of his country, in the struggle for the sovereignty of the nation. The delegation of the International Liaison Committee was able to communicate, to the assembled workers, the messages from Azania (South Africa), Algeria, France, United States, Spain, Switzerland, Brazil, India, Pakistan, and Germany recognizing the internationalist activist known throughout the world. Then, leaders of various trade union federations of the country and of all the parties, raising the banner of the workers' and democratic movements, spoke to salute the fighter, who regardless of differences of opinions, was respected by all throughout the country. Meeting in an emergency session, the Political Bureau of the Democratic Workers Party, an affiliate of the ILC, decided to convene, in Dacca, on Friday, November 10, a rally in homage to Tafazzul Hussain. This rally will also be an expression of the struggle of the nation of Bangladesh. Delegations from all over the country will come together, as well as delegations from Asia, with whom Tafazzul often worked together in the struggle for peace and democracy. -- Olivier Doriane and François Forgue ----- Tafazzul Hussain (1940-2006) Tafazzul Hussain was born on July 3rd, 1940 in Hajigonj, in the Chandpur region. Though he came from a comfortable background, he got involved with popular movements from an early age, struggling for the demands of the workers of the city and countryside. From 1960 onwards, when he was 20, he became active in the workers' and democratic movement. Tafazzul Hussain never accepted compromising with the authorities at the expense of the workers' demands. In 1971, during the liberation war that brought about national independence and the creation of Bangladesh, he was one of the fighters. His name is therefore linked to very creation of the country. It was through his work in the bakers' union that he became a national leader of the workers' movement. The National Labor Union Federation, which he helped found, always rejected having trade unions participate in political operations contrary to the interests of the workers. For him, trade union action was a key. The struggle for workers' rights, womens' rights, and youth rights, was for Tafazzul also a political struggle. That is why he participated in the construction of a political party of the working class. That's why he participated first inside the "Unity Process" and, after 1998, in the formation of the Democratic Workers Party, which he helped found. Tafazzul was the president of the Democratic Workers Party. Even when his sickness required him to be hospitalized, Tafazzul Hussain remained politically active until the very end. When, on September 10, 2006, the delegates of the 40 regional committees of the youth organization, the Revolutionary Federation of Youth of Bangladesh, met in Dacca, they emotionally listened to the message Tafazzul Hussain had written for them, in which he expressed his confidence in their actions. In 1994, Tafazzul Hussain joined the ranks of the Fourth International. From 1996 onwards, he was a member of the General Council of the Fourth International. He played an important role in the life and discussions of the Fourth International, particularly in its construction in Asia. Comrade Tafazzul Hussain never stopped struggling to ensure that, in Bangladesh, the political heritage of Lenin and Trotsky be passed on to the younger generations. Thanks to his work, thousands of workers and youth were able to learn about Marxism, Leninism, and Trotskyism. He unceasingly worked with activists from India and Pakistan for peace and the fraternal unity of the peoples of the continent. All the active life of Tafazzul Hussain is connected to the struggle for the cause of the working class on a national and international level. He remained on the side of the workers and democracy, in defense of the sovereignty of the nation. In his struggle, he fought to bring about the largest possible unity of the workers and anti-imperialist forces. His lucidity, on several occasions, allowed the Democratic Workers Party and the Bangladeshi section of the Fourth International to fight off the attempts to destabilize the organizations on an international and national level. His struggle will continue. On a personal level, Tafazzul Hussain left all a memory of a man loyal to his friends. - Rashu Hussain ------ Speech by Tafazzul Hussain at the Madrid World Conference (March 18,19, and 20, 2005) In the World Conference in Madrid of the ILC, comrade Tafazzul Hussain represented the National Federation of Workers of Bangladesh. We are publishing below excerpts of his speech to this conference. Now the imperialists are trying to destroy the very existence of nations. After destroying the independence of the trade unions, the independent trade unions were their target. Š NGOs are the second forces after the WB in foreign countries. They are installed by the "grace and good wishes" of the imperialist countries, the IMF, the WB, the Washington bosses. Š The NGOs are asking for a new world. What is this new world? We don't know, one in which we cannot sustain, one in which we cannot keep our previous gains intact. But they are asking for a new world. Nowadays the IMF and the WB and the multinationals and the imperialist bosses are saying to every government: your government is not good. Good governance is required. Now what is that good governance? They have instigated corruption; on the other hand, they subjugate governments for corruption. NGOs and so-called civil society are trying to have seminars and meetings for good governance. What governance? Last month, there were four seminars in Bangladesh, for corporate governance. What does it mean? What does that mean? Are we going to have corporate governance? Corporate governments? We know in Bangladesh, in India, in the British colonies what corporate rule is. They cut the hands of the weavers to protect the textile industry in Manchester. Š Under these circumstances, we, the labour forces and progressive forces are fighting. And we have fought some wars successfully. We saved our natural gas from the clutches of imperialist United States companies like Unocal, Texaco, Nikko and other occidentals. They are asking for gas export. We are not exporting gas to any country, not even India, but we are asked to give our gas to American companies. We have saved our port which was the target of SSA, an American company that targeted our port through bitter struggle and also through an international convention we held in Chittagong with brother Clarence Thomas who was present as an international guest, an international leader, and through that fight we saved our port from the greedy eyes of the American imperialists of SSA, the present ruling clique and Dick Cheney, who owns a gas field in Bangladesh. **********************
DECLARATION No. 10 OF THE INDEPENDENT DEMOCRATIC WORKERS PARTY OF MEXICO (PTDI) - END THE ARMED ATTACKS AGAINST THE MOVEMENT! - ARMY OUT OF OAXACA! - NEGOTIATE THE ECONOMIC, POLITICAL DEMANDS OF THE TEACHERS AND PEOPLE OF OAXACA! - NO TO IMPOSITION! OUT WITH ULISES! OUT WITH CALDERON! On October 9, the caravan march of Section 22 of the National Teachers Union (SNTE) and the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) arrived in Mexico City after 19 days of strenuous hiking over 500 kilometers. This march represented the will of the teachers to break the isolation surrounding their movement. That very day, the negotiations were resumed between the functionaries of the Ministry of the Interior (Secretaría Gobernación), led by Secretary of the International Abascal Carranza, and the representatives of Section 22 of the SNTE and the APPO. Abascal Carranza put forwards the following proposals: a) The replacement of functionaries of the cabinet of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz [the corrupt PRI governor of Oaxaca ---Translator's note] and of the State's solicitor general; b) The naming of a sub-secretary of Public Security as head of the state and municipal police; c) "Channeling" the question of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz's impeachment to the Senate; d) Conceding the re-zoning [creating parity in wage levels among teachers throughout the state--Translator's note] in six years' time; e) Freedom for the political prisoners. The Secretary of the Interior demanded that the teachers' return to classes, lift the barricades, and give back the governmental and private buildings occupied by the movement. (In fact, the release of the political prisoners by the government will only take place if they carry out these measures.) The first surprising thing about this proposal is that none of the economic, political, and social demands of the teachers and the people are met. Isn't it necessary to solve the demands of the teachers, expressed in 16 points, and summarized in the following manner: breakfasts for students and shoes for the students and young students in Oaxaca? Isn't it necessary to accept the teachers' demands for the improvement, maintenance, and extension of the education facilities? (Several years ago, the teachers were able to win similar demands from the state and federal government, enabling 200,000 students today to receive school uniforms.) The rural communities, such as the community of San Antonio Castillo Velasco, demand to have the land and water that was stolen by the businessmen and hotels returned to them. The health care workers call for sufficient funding for the public hospitals. About 30 municipalities have changed/ousted their mayors and demand that the new representatives elected by the peoples should be recognized. Isn't it necessary that all these demands be discussed and be adequately implemented? Shouldn't the leaders of the movement insist that these demands must be part of the negotiations with the federal officials? Concerning Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, the senators of the PRI and PAN were forced to accept the creation of a commission formed by three senators -- one from the PRI, one from the PAN, and one from the PRD. This commission has announced that on Monday 16 it will reach a verdict, and on Tuesday 17 it will present its verdict. Nevertheless, according the newspaper La Jornada, Senator Ricardo Monreal Avila explained that the possibility exists that the Senate will declare that the conditions do not exist to declare the disappearance of the powers [that is, the destitution of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz--Translator's note]. Don't the senators of the PRI and PAN, together with Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón, aim to leave in Ulises Ruiz until December -- though with lessened powers -- to allow the PRI to name a new substitute governor? Isn't this why the PRI and PAN alliance is being maintained? In the case of the rezoning of teachers' wages promised by Abascal Carranza, why wait six years? What government can truly assure that it will pay the required sums over this period; this is especially the case of Felipe Calderón, who is already on the hotseat for the electoral fraud he and his party committed on July 2nd? Shouldn't the 2007 budget include the necessary sums to pay for the rezoning of the Oaxaca teachers? A professor of basic education in Oaxaca makes around 2258 pesos every two weeks, and the rezoning would raise the wages, at most, to 2700 to 2800 pesos. Are these excessive wages? Next, is the naming of a federal functionary to command the state and municipal police and a guarantee that these forces, profoundly corrupted by Ulises Ruiz, will not act against the people? It is necessary to ask this question: On October 9, did real negotiations take place, or did the government impose a framework of discussion that won't resolve the demands and won't ensure that Ulises Ruiz leaves his post? Our concerns are only magnified in light of the federal and local politicians' proposals to implement what they call the "State reform" in Oaxaca. The whole world knows that the so-called "State reform" is the political instrument used to force the State to undermine its health care, education, and housing services, and to hand these services over to the private sector and the NGOs. That is why the government is not offering real solutions to the workers' demands! The PTDI insists that the specific social, economic, and political demands of the teachers and people must be discussed in any real negotiations process with the Secretary of the Interior. In the state assembly of delegates of Section 22 of the SNTE on October 11, it was resolved to wait for the verdict of the Senate commission, in order to discuss the measures proposed by the government to the teachers. Isn't this the perfect time for the negotiating committee of Section 22 and the APPO to present the economic, social, and political demands in one package and to demand that there be a true negotiating session around these pressing demands? The situation continues to be extremely grave. The media lies when they say that, thanks to Abascal Carranza, the Oaxaca problem is virtually resolved. The attacks of armed gangs and the police under Ulises Ruiz against the workers' and popular movement continues unabated, as was evidence by the police aggression against a mobile brigade of the APPO on October 11, the very same day that the state assembly of Section 22 met. The enormous military presence in the state also continues. It is time to raise again the slogan of the thousands who spontaneously greeted the caravan in Mexico City on October 9: "You are not alone!" The movement in Oaxaca is profoundly bound up with the national movement for the respect of the popular will and in defense of the national resources. Isn't democracy -- that is, the discussion and negotiation of the workers' and people's demands -- the only solution to these conflicts created by the attempts to impose Calderon and to prop up Ulises Ruiz? The movement of the National Democratic Convention (CND) has called for a mass rally on November 20 to swear in Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador as the legitimate president of Mexico. It also has called for massive political actions of all types on December 1 to impede Felipe Calderón from taking office as president. Won't these actions necessarily help the movement of the people of Oaxaca win their demands? Isn't the fate of the national movement linked to what occurs in Oaxaca? Yes, of course it is! We call on all the trade unions (UNT, SME, etc.), social organizations, and political organizations (CND, etc.), to prepare the conditions for a NATIONAL MOBILIZATION in support of the people of Oaxaca. FOR THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN DEFENSE OF THE POPULAR WILL THAT HAS DECLARED "OBRADOR IS OUR PRESIDENT!" TO ADVANCE, THE MOVEMENT IN OAXACA MUST WIN! NO TO IMPOSITION! OUT WITH ULISES! OUT WITH CALDERON! -- October 11, 2006 *************************
The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC): The discussion continues On November 1, in Vienna, the founding congress of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) will take place. It will be preceded by the dissolution congresses of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the World Confederation of Labor (WCL). Since the Geneva Conference of the ILC, which met on June 11, 2006, a wide discussion has begun in the ILC International Newsletter. In Issues 201 and 202 of the ILC International Newsletter, you have read two contributions to the discussion from the Bureau of the ILC regarding its concerns about the nature of this ITUC. We are submitting as a contribution to the discussion the resolutions taken by the labor confederations of Uruguay and Colombia, which decided to not participate in the Vienna congress. You will also find the positions of the CGTP of Peru and the COB of Bolivia. The ILC does not aim to substitute itself for any existing organizations. It considers that the independence of the workers' organizations is in jeopardy and aims to open a space for a free exchange of opinions between workers' activists throughout the world. ------ PERU The CGTP will not participate in the founding convention of the ITUC Among the arguments raised to justify the new "international trade union confederation" is the assertion that all the important trade union confederations throughout the world agree that they will join it. The General Confederation of Workers of Peru (CGTP), in particular, is often cited as an example. In reality, things are a little more complicated, as we will see. The question of the ICFTU-WCL fusion was the topic of a long discussion inside historic Peruvian trade union confederation, the CGTP, which is a member of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). On last July 17, Guy Ryder (the General Secretary of the ICFTU), Julio Roberto (the president of the Latin-American unions of the WCL), and Victor of the ICFTU, organized a debate in Lima, in which all the federal and departmental leadership of the CGTP participated. Once again, on August 28, the discussion took place, in the framework, this time, of a discussion with Pedro Ross Leal (General Secretary of the CTC of Cuba and Vice-President of the WFTU), and Ernesto Freire (leader of the CTC) and Valentín Pacho (member of the Secretariat of the WFTU). It was clear that, following these discussions, the vast majority of the federal and departmental leaderships, as well as the majority of the confederate leadership, were opposed to having the CGTP join the ITUC. What were the reasons? "One of the main reasons," explains Erwin Salazar Vasquez, a leader of the CGTP in Lambayaque, and a member of the National Executive Committee of the CGTP, "is that the CGTP leaders are loyal to the trade union regroupments based on class grounds and independence from the bosses and the governments, which took place in the 1960s. The CGTP was born in this process. "After the General Strike of 1977 against the Morales Bermudez dictatorship, the CGTP has continually been an independent trade union confederation. Another fundamental reason is that the rank-and-file leaderships of the CGTP clearly saw that the ICFTU-WCL fusion is heading down the path of 'good governance' with the World Bank, the IMF, the UN, etc. Inside the CGTP, there is a strong anti-imperialist sentiment against the policies of these institutions at the service of the multinationals, the free trade agreements, and the privatizations. The national mobilizations which just took place against the free trade agreement with the United States and against the continuation of the privatizations is part of the trade union tradition of the CGTP." Mario Huaman (the president of the CGTP) took the lead in this opposition to the fusion. "Yes to true trade union unity, founded on the class character of our organizations, on the defense off our workers' rights, and the common struggle against imperialism, war, and privatization. Š No to this false unity founded on the abandonment of class independence," he essentially said during the forum on August 18, in particular. And with him, the National Leadership of the CGTP decided that the CGTP as such will not be present in Vienna. "Only the national congress of the CGTP is authorized to take a position on such an important subject, which would jeopardize the nature of our organization," explained Erwin Salazar Vasquez. This National Congress will take place next November 23, 24, and 25. From here to then, none of us is authorized to speak in the name of the CGTP at the Vienna Congress. "If Juan Jose Gorriti (the former president of the CGTP, who is favorable to the ITUC) wants to attend the Vienna Congress, he has the right to do so, but he can only speak in a personal capacity," underlines Erwin Salazar Vasquez. -----
The 9th Congress of the Trade Union Confederation of Uruguay, the PIT-CNT, decided to not participate in the Vienna Congress The 9th Congress of the trade union confederation of Uruguay, the PIT-CNT, took place from October 5 to 8 in Montevideo, in the wake of the big national strike of the union against the signing of the Free Trade Agreement (TLC) with the U.S. government. Taking into account the immense rejection manifested in this national strike called for by the PIT-CNT, the government decided not to sign the TLC. With good reason, the delegates celebrated the results of their struggles. They also examined the proposal to participate in the creation of the new international "trade union" confederation, which is set to be founded in Vienna in a few weeks, following the fusion of the ICFTU and the WCL. Let us recall that the PIT-CNT, which gathers together all the trade unions of Uruguay, was built outside the framework of the existing international trade union confederations (ICFTU, WCL, WFTU). Its joining of the fusion process was presented everywhere (particularly by Bernard Thibault) as the expression of the wide scale of this new ITUC. In fact, the delegates considered that the PIT-CNT decided it would not participate in the new confederation, which aims to socially accompany the "good governance" demanded by the IMF, the World Bank, and the other international institutions of finance capital. La Republica writes, "Essentially, the discussion centered around the opposition of the majority of the members to neo-liberalism and the dictates of international institutions, as well as the struggle against ALCA (FTAA) and the TLC or any other agreement with the U.S." One of the leaders of the PIT-CNT, who defended participating in Vienna, put forward the idea of the "flag of fraternity and international solidarity" of the workers. In response, a leader of the gas workers' union, Luis Puig, said that "the defense of the values of workers' internationalism and solidarity" would not lead the confederation "to join a process of international integration, in which, for example, the CTV of Venezuela is participating, whose leadership is notoriously linked to the attempted coups organized by the U.S. embassy against the legitimately elected government of the workers and people of Venezuela." Numerous delegates noted that they saw "no reason to let liberalism and its anti-worker and anti-national measures -- which we've just rejected by resisting the TLC -- in through the window of 'good governance.'" When the time came to vote, those who supported joining the ITUC left the room, while the vast majority of the delegates shouted: "Long live the unity of the PIT-CNT!" The motion opposed to joining the fusion was finally passed with a very large majority. ------
The Bolivian Workers Federation (COB) will not participate in the founding congress of the ITUC An interview conducted by Julio Turra, member of the national leadership of the CUT of Brazil, with Pedro Montes and Miguel Zubieta of the Bolivian confederation For Pedro Montes, the new general secretary of the COB, "It is rare, we know, that there exists a trade union confederation like the COB, which brings together all the workers on class grounds, and in which all the currents and opinions of the workers' movement co-exist. This partly is the result of our history and partly the result of a conscious decision of ours since the epoch of Juan Lechin (the founder of the COB after WWII). This decision led us to not join any of the existing international trade union confederations. Over the years, we have been invited over and over again, from the WFTU, the ICFTU, and the WCL. We have always refused to respond. It always seemed to us that it would be a factor for division in our ranks. I do not see why we should change our criteria today, in respect to the proposed fusion of two international organizations." This opinion is shared by Miguel Zubieta, the Executive Secretary of the Departmental Union of the COB in the mining department of Oruro, for whom the "new international trade union confederation" is in favor of "governance." For Zubieta, "this is the negation of independent class unionism, which is necessary for the struggle of the workers. If we are against 'co-governance' in our own country, why should we be for this same 'co-governance' on a world level?" Thus, the COB decided to not participate in the founding congress of the ITUC in Vienna. -----
The CUT of Colombia also refuses to take part The 5th Congress of the United Workers Confederation (CUT), took place in Bogotá, on August 22 and 25, seven years after the 4th Congress met in Cartagena These were seven years marked by innumerable assassinations of trade unionists and terrible anti-union repression, in this country where the death squads act with impunity, with the shameful complicity of the U.S. embassy. There were 858 delegates, 140 invited guests, and 40 international delegates (for example, from the ITUC, WCL, WFTU, AFL-CIO, CUT-Brazil, and CGT and CGT-FO of France.) In the summary report, Laureano Cuerdo, the head of international relations of the confederation, underlined the very strong opposition of the confederation to the "conception of the President, Uribe, and its government concerning 'participative unionism' instead of confrontational unionism." The proposal for the Colombian CUT to join the ICFTU-WCL was widely discussed. The summary report states, "the decision was finally taken at the last moment (from the fusion process)" because "democracy is a supreme value within workers' organizations and to submit controversial questions to the free discussion of the unionists is the best path because there does not exist sufficient consensus on this topic." ***********************
Lula, the candidate of the Workers Party, who received the most votes in the first round, faces off against Geraldo Alckmin, the oligarchy's candidate, in the second round In a declaration published after the first round, calling to "Vote Lula" in the second round, "for a PT government that satisfies the demands of the people and the nation! No vote for Alckmin!" the O Trabalho current of the PT notes that, "In the first round, the workers and oppressed people of Brazil said no to Alckmin. They said no to the return of the oligarchies of the PSDB and PFL, who pillaged the country for years. They said NO to Cristovan and Heloisa Helena, who made Lula their main enemy." Why did the predictions of a Lula victory in the first round not come to pass? Lula lost votes particularly in the industrial bastions, in the industrial suburbs of Sao Paulo, and in the states of Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul, where the Workers Party was born. As O Trabalho underlines, "that there is a second round is due to the fact that the urgent questions of the nation have not been resolved during the first mandate of Lula. These are questions that must be resolved." What demands are these? One is of the workers of Volkswagen, who have been on strike for several weeks in defense of their wages and jobs. Another is the bank workers, who are currently on strike. Another is the landless peasants who, throughout the first term, did not cease to demand through land occupations an agrarian reform which, up to the present, the Lula government has rejected. There are many other demands. Working people, the social base of the PT, have clearly raised these issues in their struggles. They want the break with the submission to the IMF, the end of the policy centered around the payment of the foreign debt, the abrogation of the laws that make administrations on all levels (federal, regional, and municipal) reserve 4.5% of their budgets for the payment of the debt, the renationalization of the railroads, the big company Vale de Rio Doce and other privatized public enterprises and services, and the full renationalization of Petrobras. The press mostly focuses on the "ethical" questions that are supposedly the root of the loss in votes for Lula. Without ignoring the destructive character for the PT of the scandals of several ministers, O Trabalho observes: "Who is it that today is speaking about ethics? It is imperialism, which, through Alckmin, tell us 'we don't want a second mandate for Lula.'" Here is what one of the main expressions of the ruling class, the O Estado newspaper, frankly said one week before the first round: "If Lula is still president, the temptations of populism will be almost irresistible." (September 23). It is clear that when imperialism is speaking of "populism" it is referring to Chavez in Venezuela, when he refuses to privatize PDVSA, Evo Morales in Bolivia, when he nationalizes the oil and gas, and Lopez Obrador in Mexico, when he rejects the fraud and proclaims the sovereignty of the people. Every time the workers and peoples say "We have had enough!", each time they rise up to fight for their demands and to defend the sovereignty of the nation, imperialism shouts, "Populism!" It is clear in all the declarations on the eve of the second round that those in power fear the mobilization of the workers, who continue to demand that Lula satisfy their demands. This social force has the power to raise up the majority of exploited and oppressed peoples of the nation, and to demand, along with the masses of the continent, national sovereignty to win land, jobs, good wages, education, health care, and the control over the natural resources. - Correspondent ----- What is at Stake: A Declaration of the O Trabalho current of the Workers Party (October 13, 2006) "Vote Lula for a PT government that satisfies the aspirations of the people and the nation! No votes for Alckmin!", proposed the declaration of the O Trabalho current. This perspective has been confirmed in the week that has passed. The bourgeoisie and imperialism want to take back direct control of the Planalto Palace to smash the struggle of working people for true national sovereignty. In the discussion on October 8, Alckmin said that Brazil was humiliated by Bolivia in the Petrobras episode. In reality, it was Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1), with other multinationals, who stole the Bolivian gas instead of exploiting the gas in Brazil. Through Alckmin, Bush and the Brazilian bourgeoisie are speaking. Being impatient -- ever since the Evo Morales government, through a sovereign decision won by the struggle of the Bolivian people, began the nationalization of the oil and gas -- they demand that Lula take strong measures against Bolivia. They know that recognizing the sovereignty of Bolivia strengthens the struggles of the peoples, beginning in Brazil itself. Bush cannot tolerate this. The Brazilian bourgeoisie, like the Bolivian bourgeoisie, cannot tolerate any action against the interests of imperialism. Was the interests of the nation the reason for selling off Vale do Rio Doce, against the popular will, giving private capital control over the natural resources, as the PSDB did in 1997? "Your specialty is to privatize, privatize, privatize," said Lula in the debate. That's true. And the people will vote for him to continue the struggle for his government to abrogate the fraudulent sell-off of Vale do Rio Doce, one of the biggest acts of corruption, pushed through by FHC. The PSDB and the PFL want to return to the federal government to destroy the public patrimony, the Bank of Brazil, the CEF, the mail, and Infraero to finance capital. This is why the Bank workers voted for Lula at the same time they struck, demanding that the government attend their demands, to win back the wages lost during the eight years of the FHC privatizing government. In a plenary assembly in Brasilia, Lula said that in Brazil, "First it was the indigenous peoples that were strangled, then the slaves. Now, for centuries, it is the workers who have been strangled." That's a fact. And the workers voted for Lula to continue their struggle, in the best conditions, to defend and reconquer their rights. That's why they don't want an ex-minister of FHC, Dornelles -- who tried to impose the reform of the labor code, and was defeated by the CUT -- to be the minister of a government with a second mandate. The workers do not want a return of the PSDB and the PFL, who are in the direct service of the bosses, beginning with the Bush government. As we said in the October 3 declaration: "If there is a second round, it is because the urgent questions of the nation were not resolved during the long first mandate of Lula. These are questions that must be resolved." The bourgeoisie is regrouping its army around the Alckmin candidacy, to block the possibility that in Brazil, like Mexico, the workers can rise up to impose national sovereignty against imperialism! The workers will vote for Lula and continue their struggle, demanding that their demands be satisfied. During the televised debate, Lula said that Alckmin and Bush think the same. That's true, the two represent the same interests, of the class of exploiters. The workers will vote for Lula, for a government that doesn't bow down to Bush, a PT government that satisfied the interests of the workers and defends national sovereignty! -- O Trabalho current of the PT, Brazilian Section of the Fourth International ----- Endnotes 1) FHC Fernando Henrique Cardoso, the former president of Brazil, member of PSDB ********************
The offensive against immigrants and workers' rights The summit of ministers of foreign affairs and ministers of the interior of the Mediterranean counties of the European Union (EU) made a "contribution" on immigration. The ministers of the eight countries decided to propose that it be the European Union that decides on the legalization of the "undocumented" workers. In this way, the ministers submitted to the demands of the European Commissar of "Freedom, Security, and Justice," Frattini France. He declared on September 7, in an article published in the French Le Figaro newspaper under the title "Immigration" that "more severity is needed against those who employ undocumented workers in the European Union," and he came out against "massive legalizations." The European Commissar explained that the process of mass legalizations, as the Spanish government implemented last year, "transforms a violation of the state's laws into legitimate and permanent residency." The "massive legalizations," in his opinion, "send a seductive signal, that favors the arrival and establishment of illegal immigrants." For him, these offers are very "dangerous publicity." The Commissar demanded that the countries be more severe in their discourse and to "avoid sending conciliatory messages that can spread the phenomenon" of illegal immigration in the EU. In relation to the decisions of the summit, the vice president of the government, Mrs. Teresa Fernandez de la Vega, declared: "My government shares this advice; there must not be any legalization. Š And I am sure that, in the near future, we will all act with a common policy, to be set for all countries in the European Union." These declarations come after those of many political leaders in recent weeks concerning the need "to control" immigration. The president of the Assembly of Andalucia, Manuel Chavez, fired the first shots, declaring that the labor market "has limits and cannot absorb all the immigrants that arrive in Spain," and proposed to only receive immigrants that "will have dignified work, with good conditions and nothing more." The ex-Minister of Industry and PSC (Socialist Party of Catalonia) candidate, Joseph Montilla, explained the Catalonia is "virtually at its limit" for receiving immigrants, and the social services that they need, stating that "in certain cases, this results in a loss of services for the citizens of Catalonia. Š Immigration creates other problems, such as for education, for welfare, and for other social services." He would like us to think that the problems in education or in health care are due to the immigrants and not to the zero deficit imposed by Brussels and the policies of privatizations of the Generalidat. The ERC (Republic Left of Catalonia) candidate, Josep Lluís Carod Rovira, declared, for his part, that "we cannot pay for the education of all South America, nor health for all Africa, nor care for the elderly of Asia." Other PSOE leaders have proposed that immigrants be massively expelled. Let's look at what that means. According to the National Statistics Institute, there are 800,000 undocumented immigrants. If Chavez was right, there would be 800,000 immigrants who live without working, who live by stealing or begging. This is evidently false. These 800,000 immigrants work, above all in construction, in the hotels, and in the service sector. The labor market "can absorb" these workers. What is needed is only to legalize them and have their employers pay into social security and pay their workers the wages established by the collective bargaining contracts. They should implement the labor code, which, in Article 8, states that the "the labor contract can be concluded in writing or verbally." Thus, if the Labor Inspector implemented this with all immigrant workers, the number of contributors to Social Security would rise by at least 500,000 people. Chavez says that, "We should prevent illegal immigration and, if this immigration exists, we should do everything to bring them home with all the legal guarantees; it is difficult, but it is necessary." And while it would be virtually impossible to expel a million immigrants, the constant threat of expulsion places them, in fact, totally in the hands of the bosses, who submit them to the most extreme exploitation. This is exactly the key of the policies of immigration of the European Union: maintain a "mass" of workers without rights, to be used as cheap labor and as a means to pressure for the destruction of the collective bargaining contracts and labor rights. A "global" phenomenon? Break with the European Union! Chavez declared that, "Immigration is a universal phenomenon, an effect of globalization, which requires a global solution. Š If all the countries of the European Union are not involved in the economic development of the home country, there will not be a solution for many years." Chavez called for a cooperation with the home countries, which "the European Union has not implemented up to the present, but which it must urgently begin to implement. But immigration did not fall from the sky. It is the result of 30 years of policies led by the governments of the imperialist countries and the imperialist institutions in Africa. These were 30 years of privatizations, of the foreign debt, which expelled millions of Africans from their jobs, and of the exploitation of the natural resources. An example given by the media: A few years ago, the agreement on fishing between the EU and Senegal, led to a significant loss in fishing resources in this country, with millions of artisan fishermen losing their means of sustenance. Now they are sailing their rafts to the Canary Islands. Particularly, the authorities of Brussels pressure the African countries to take back their immigrants, based on threats of cutting their "aid", according to a clause in the European Agreement of Cooperation with the Countries of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Pacific. The question of illegal immigration has thus been transformed into a supplementary means to submit these countries to the domination of European imperialismsŠ The UGT and CCOO are right to support the legalization of the illegal workers, because without this it is not possible to defend the conquests and rights of the workers. The only position for the workers' movement is the defense of equal rights for all workers. But the European Union creates illegal workers because it wants to lower labor costs. The thousands of deaths in the waters of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic are part of the policies of the destruction of the labor force led by the European Union. The destruction of public services, social welfare, and working conditions are other aspects of this same offensive. And declaring workers "illegal" is a fundamental arm to destroy the European working classes. That is why it is indispensable to deepen the struggle in all the workers' movement for our organizations to fight against the European Union and the submission of the governments of the European Union. - Correspondent *********************
Violent acts against the mineworkers in an attempt to take over the nationalized Huanuni mine The violent conflict provoked last October 5 by the cooperative mineworkers, who tried to take over the nationalized Huanuni mine, on the Bolivian altiplano, resulted in the death of a dozen mineworkers, students, workers, and a trade union leader. The Bolivian press reported 12 to 16 deaths and several dozen wounded people. The images transmitted by the local television show the terrible and painful situation in Huanuni after these confrontations; the dead and wounded fill the hospitals. Sticks of dynamite were thrown by the cooperative mineworkers into the mine shafts, provoking the explosion of the compressor that permits the circulation of the air, which is probably the cause of numerous deaths and injuries. Among the victims were students, mineworkers from Huanuni and a transport union leader. Three of the perpetrators were also killed. The Bolivian Workers Confederation (COB) accused the Minister of Mining, Walter Villaroel, who is one of the cooperative leaders, of being the instigator of the deadly assault on the mine. The COB called for him to be fired. Villaroel responded by accusing the union mineworkers of being "the intellectual authors" of the massacre, for having "called for a strike one week ago." This in itself constitues a form of confession. After the strike, President Morales agreed to refound COMIBOL, the national mine company, which was liquidated during the big wave of mine privatizations in 1985. This refounding of COMIBOL is an important step on the road of the renationalization of the mines, which the cooperative mineworkers are bitterly opposed to. In a communiqué sent out immediately after the bloody events, La Chispa, the sympathizing section of the Fourth International in Bolivia, declared: "Who are the true perpetrators of the Huanuni massacre? "Evidently, it is those who are against the refounding of COMIBOL and the renationalization of the mines! It is those who from the beginning have opposed the renationalization of the oil and gas resources. It is those who have opposed the distribution of lands, and opposed giving sovereignty to the Bolivian people. "It is the very same people who have conspired to prevent giving sovereignty to the Constituent Assembly, who intend to impose the two-thirds voting! (1) "A government that begins the refounding of COMIBOL has the responsibility to protect the property of the nation: the state mines! It has the responsibility to protect the lives of mineworkers. We call for the immediate punishment of the culprits! "On October 17, La Chispa will be in the streets to celebrate the uprising of October 2003 and to demand: -- The immediate punishment of the culprits of the Huanuni massacre! -- Defend the decree on the nationalization of the oil and gas! -- For the refounding of COMIBOL! -- Defend the distribution of land to the landless! -- Yes to a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, which responds to the needs of the people! -- No to a majority of two thirds! -- For a united and sovereign Bolivia!"
Endnotes (1) For a law to be adopted by the new Constituent Assembly, there must be a two-thirds majority in the Assembly. ----- Who are the cooperative mineworkers? During the big privatization drive of the nationalized mines and the destruction of COMIBOL in 1985, some of the mineworkers were pushed by the government in the era to individually exploit abandoned mine shafts, which had become virtually un-usable. They became cooperative mineworkers, attempting to survive in miserable conditions. Many of them died during this work or were forced to give it up. Some of them got out of the mines and began hiring those who were more miserable, thus becoming exploiters of a sort of sub-proletariat. During the big uprisings of October 2003 and May-June 2005, they systematically sided against the popular movement. When Morales and the MAS reached the government last year, Morales appointed one of the cooperative mineworker leaders, Walter Villaroel, as the Minister of Mines, aiming to weaken the COB, which refused to subordinate itself to the government. Villaroel immediately tried to dismantle the last nationalized mines, for the benefit of the cooperative mineworkers.
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Open World Conference of Workers