A dossier of weekly information published by the International Liaison
Committee of Workers and Peoples
December 19, 2006 - January 02, 2007
Issue 214-215
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SPECIAL ISSUE:
After the founding congress of the International Trade Union Confederation
(ITUC), a discussion is indispensable to preserve the trade union movement.
The ILC International Newsletter is published every week in English,
Spanish, and French.
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Table of Contents:
Pages 3 to 6: A Contribution by the ILC
Pages 7 to 10: Excerpts from the Declaration of Principles, Program,
and Statutes (or Bylaws) of the ITUC, with a few comments
Pages 11 to 17: Some Useful Documents
Pages 18 to 20: The ITUC Supports Corporate Social Responsibility
Pages 21 to 24: Contributions from the United States, Peru, and France
Page 25: An invitation to continue the discussion, particularly at the
Geneva Conference on June 9, 2007
Page 26: Subscription information
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Contact:
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Publication director: Daniel Gluckstein
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(France) - Commission paritaire n° 0708 G 82738 Edited by "Les
Amis de l'Entente", 18, allée Colbert, 78470 Saint-Rémy-lès-Chevreuse
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AFTER THE FOUNDING CONGRESS OF THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION
(ITUC): A CONTRIBUTION FROM THE ILC
Let us recall that the new international organization was born from
the fusion between the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU) and the World Confederation of Labor (WCL), together with some
organizations that had belonged to the World Federation of Trade Unions
(WFTU).
The new international brings together more than 300 organizations that
group together 190 million members. Guy Ryder, the former General Secretary
of the ICFTU, was elected as the head of the ITUC.
In the draft programmatic resolution, which was "approved by acclamation,"
the ITUC sets itself the task of "fundamentally changing globalization
to make it work in favor of workers, the unemployed, and the poor."
A "day of international action" is foreseen. The ITUC also
calls for a fundamental reform of the IMF and the World Bank (and the
WTO), which "implement programs hostile to the workers."
The ITUC is in favor of an "international regulation of the multinationals"
with "the exercise of the right to organization and collective
bargaining."
The ITUC does not once mention the means to combat the deadly policies
conducted for years by the World Bank and the IMF, particularly against
the "developing countries" through the Structural Adjustment
Plans.
The same is true concerning the reactionary policies imposed by the
multinationals that destroy jobs and social conquests in the industrialized
countries and increase poverty in the developing countries.
While the ITUC, to fight against underemployment and poverty, foresees
"a day of international action," why wasn´t the date
set for May 1, the day par excellence of workers´ struggle? Does
modernization mean throwing out everything from the past? The trade
union leaders who are taking part should reflect on all this.
*****
So the ITUC also calls for a fundamental reform of the IMF and the
World Bank (and the WTO), which "implement programs hostile to
the workers." Okay. But why reforms? This proposal is a bit out
of step with the reality of the policies imposed by the IMF and the
World Bank. It is from these institutions that the policies destroying
the social conquests won by working class-based trade unions emanate.
The ITUC is silent concerning this fact. Let us recall that the World
Bank and the IMF were created in 1944 during the Bretton Woods agreements,
during which the bases of the future world economy were set. Concerning
money, the supremacy of U.S. imperialism was confirmed through making
the dollar the standard, convertible into gold.
To ensure the implementation of these policies, the president of the
United States was given the power to designate the head of the World
Bank, while the European allies could decide on the head of the IMF.
Since 1944, U.S. imperialism has given itself the duty of controlling
the world economy and international finance. Nevertheless, this financial
and economic hegemony was questioned after 1947 through the conflict
between what some called "the two imperialisms."
The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of Stalinism left
the terrain open to U.S. imperialism. This also let the Western ruling
classes to free themselves from the welfare state.
It would have been nice to see the ITUC analyze some of this. The opening
of the world to capitalism is accompanied by the generalized rise in
poverty, inequality, mass unemployment, and the destruction of workers´
conquests.
The World Bank and the IMF, as the zealous agents of imperialism, are
largely responsible for this situation. Paradoxically, the head of the
ILO, Juan Somavia, a delegate to the ITUC congress, criticized the World
Bank and the IMF, noting that the famous Washington Consensus, implemented
since 1990, received no democratic mandate.
Let us recall the 10 clauses of the Washington Consensus, a dictate
imposed on the countries asking for financial aid from the World Bank
and the IMF:
- Reduce the budget deficit
- Prioritize state budgets that guarantee quick financial returns
- Reform the tax system, notably by lowering taxes for the rich
- Liberalize the financial markets
- Favor exports
- Liberalize trade by lowering customs' fees
- Favor foreign investments
- Privatize state enterprises
- Favor deregulation and competition in the marketplace
- Guarantee property rights
The implementation of the Washington Consensus affects, first of all,
the developing countries. With the goal of paying back the existing
debt, the World Bank and the IMF plan policies of export to the rich
countries. Intensive monoculture is promoted, to the detriment of the
existing crops and sustenance levels of the majorities, thus contributing
to the destruction of the social end economic fabric of the country.
The policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF lead to the destruction
of the public services and health care in the borrowing states. NGOs,
financed by the institutions of globalization, substitute public services.
In fact, millions of jobs are lost in the name of "humane charity."
It only reinforces our worries when Emilio Gabaglio of the ITUC, the
former general secretary of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC),
declares: "At a moment when NGOs are spreading throughout the world,
we must make trade unionism the most important NGO in the world."
We cannot accept the orientation of Gabaglio, whose theses are rooted
in Christian democracy. The NGOs are, above all, instruments to privatize
States, corollaries of the globalizing orientation of the ITUC to liquidate
nation-states, for the benefit of a world formation based on individuals
and regions.
This orientation is contradictory with the tradition of trade unionism
and proletarian internationalism, which is based on the recognition
of a society divided into social classes with antagonistic interests.
Consequently, to demand, like the ITUC, "an effective and democratic
governance of the world economy, through the reform of the IMF, World
Bank, and WTO" means a strategy of accompanying globalization.
The very principle of an "effective and democratic governance"
is extremely dangerous because it means the integration of trade unions
into the "world state" in creation. This is far from class
independence.
*****
In Point 17, which is devoted to multinational corporations, the ITUC
recognizes that these companies "are an essential motor force of
globalization, thus making more necessary and urgent intergovernmental
cooperation concerning the international regulation of companies."
Nevertheless, the ITUC notes the obvious, namely the challenges to the
respect of the rights of workers who are faced with the permanent threat
of off-shoring.
The policies of these corporations demand "prioritizing a direct
control and overseeing of decisions, without intermediaries."
In 2003, in the review "Manière de voir," the author
Daniel Bell, speaks of the "contradictory role of the state in
a world of planetary interdependence The nation state has become too
small for the big problems and too big for the small problems."
In economic terms, the companies look for regional or transnational
framework for their capital and often move their factories to places
where labor costs are lower.
The conclusion was raised by the famous Trilateral Commission, the
expression of the Davos Forum: "The solution is a state more powerfully
international and more decentralized nationally." Already, this
function of the world state is occupied by the United States, which
delegates out some tasks to regional institutions, while retaining its
controlling role based on the American military-industrial complex.
Moreover, this "world governance" would mean "corporatism"
in which the class struggle should be ended for the common good of all.
The alter-globalization slogan of Porto Alegre, "participatory
democracy," takes all its political form here because the world
governance naturally will need the full integration of trade unions.
Today there are more than 70,000 multinational corporations, which
have more than 700,000 affiliates.
According to the "Economic Alternatives" magazine from the
4th trimester of 2006, the number of multinational corporations has
almost doubled and the number of their affiliates has almost quadrupled
since the beginning of the 1990s.
These sell about US$20 billion in merchandise. A study on the 55 most
important European corporations demonstrates that their national activity
is only 37% of the total. For the 55 most important American corporations,
this number is 65%, which, as the study notes, demonstrates the continued
importance of its vast domestic market.
The current dynamic is heading toward deeper globalization. Between
1977 and 2005, the percentage of activity outside of Europe for the
corporations of Europe went from 28.4% to 35%; American activity internationally
went from 29.3% to 34.8%.
This confirms the geographic implantation of the multinationals. In
sociological terms, the corporation wants to leave less room for governments
to maneuver. For the ITUC: "We must not let corporate social responsibility
be used as a substitute for the role of governments and trade unions."
This is a correct position. Nevertheless, in practice, we see that
the international trade union organizations -- like the ETUC -- are
more inclined to accompany the policies of the multinationals.
This can be seen concerning the restructuring of the European car companies,
which are massively cutting jobs and off-shoring. The ITUC, in its program
set in Vienna on November 1st, raises the slogan of alter-globalization,
"Another world is possible," leaning on the concepts of "sustainable
development" and "corporate social responsibility." But
the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
The facts are stubborn. In the guise of sustainable development, we
are actually seeing the persistence of "sustainable under-development."
Not all countries are the same. While the "rich" countries
have had a hard time adopting a model of development, it is truly the
"poor" countries that are the first to pay the price. The
"Economic Alternatives" magazine writes, "More than development,
it seems that under-development is sustainable."
With an average 2.5% growth rate, the GDP of the planet grows faster
than the number of inhabitants. But though the cake gets bigger, the
distribution of it remains as unjust as before. It is true that the
poorest of the poor, those who make less than 1 dollar a day, are less
than before. In 1985 they were 1.2 billion; now they are slightly less
than one billion. But those who make less than two dollars a day, about
2.6 billion people, have grown by 100 million since 1985. In other words,
4 out of 10 people in the world live in extreme poverty. For example,
in Mumbai, India, 80% of the population lives on less than two dollars
a day. Of course, health conditions are awful. Causing 3 million deaths
every year, AIDS is one of the three worst epidemics stemming from poverty.
Out of the 39 million positive people in the world in 2005, 24.5 million
live in Sub-Saharan Africa. According to the experts, this situation
has no one single cause.
Several cumulative factors are at the origin of this health disaster.
The main factor is the weakness and decomposition of the public and
social infrastructures. Also important are wars, education problems,
prostitution, and the destruction of the traditional social structures
of the towns.
The origin of this situation, a prelude to barbarism, we must repeat,
is the "Washington Consensus," which extended the most savage
liberalism throughout the world.
But it is also necessary to denounce the role of the NGOs, financed
by the institutions of globalization, whose main principle, under the
cover of charity and humanism, is to privatize states.
NGOs and trade unions are incompatible in their objectives. Our opposition
to this process is thus completely categorical.
We think that the historic mission of a trade union is to organize
the wage earners in a given profession, those who sell their labor power
to survive. The NGOs, for diverse reasons and objectives, can regroup
workers, professionals, management, and the bosses. Thus the trade union
would abandon its class character, becoming an association grouping
together diverse and contradictory interests. It is important for the
ITUC to quickly condemn the theses defended by Emilio Gabaglio. Concerning
corporate responsibility, the current situation demonstrates that this
is a pious dream.
A company attempts above all to make and consolidate profits. The wave
of off-shoring that has hit Western Europe demonstrates the behavior
of employers, who constantly look to lower labor costs.
In the best of cases, "to avoid" economic lay-offs or plant
closings, the company will blackmail the workers to lower wages and
get rid of social conquests. All the constitutive elements of a labor
contract are weakened or gotten rid of.
*****
Another key term in the globalizing rhetoric is "decent work for
all." Of course, we support the work of the ILO concerning this
theme. The exploitative working conditions for men, women, and children,
are virtually conditions of slave labor in various countries of Africa,
Asia, and Latin America.
This phenomenon extends to Central and Eastern Europe, as well as the
countries of Western Europe. Deregulation, flexibilization, and precarity
lead to the creation in some small hidden worksites of true centers
of human exploitation. Agricultural workers are also faced with the
problems of abuse.
The testimonies of the labor inspectors, despite the small means given
to them, constantly demonstrate the behavior of the least scrupulous
employers.
The law and collective bargaining contracts remain by far the best
instruments to protect workers, combined naturally with the action of
powerful trade unionism, opposed to the abuses of liberalism.
*****
The program of the founding congress of the ITUC states that the "Congress
affirms strong support for the International Labor Organization in pursuit
of its enduring historic mandate to promote social justice and the rights
and interests of working people worldwide. It commits the ITUC, through
the ILO Workers' Group, to strengthen the ILO, to increase the participation
of women in it, and the effectiveness of its work."
The ILC is aware of the important role of the ILO in defending the
social rights of workers throughout the world.
Every year, on the occasion of the General Assembly of the ILO, the
ILC organizes in Geneva a conference of activists and defenders of the
ILO, in order to contribute its viewpoints on the discussions. The recent
conference noted in particular the report of the World Commission on
the Social Dimension of Globalization. Let us recall that this commission
was created by the Administrative Council of the International Labor
Bureau in November 2001, "to respond to the needs of all those
who want to deal with the unprecedented changes that globalization has
introduced into their lives and into society."
For the ILC, it is clear that the negative aspects of globalization
far outweigh the positive sides. Must globalization continue though
it creates more poverty?
The labor force is faced, with nuances depending on location, with
the offensive of the institutions of globalization.
In 1999, under the pressure of the United States and President Clinton
in Geneva, the ILO abandoned the system of Tripartite Conventions, ratified
by states, used since 1919. This system, in giving real power to nation-states,
became an obstacle to globalization. It was thus replaced with a vague
Charter of Fundamental Rights -- that is, simple recommendations without
any legal obligations. We know what this translates into in practice.
A discussion began on this subject during the ITUC congress. Numerous
speakers noted the negative effects of globalization, particularly concerning
off-shoring and the destruction of thousands of jobs, even in the developing
countries. Some speakers affirmed that the ILO norms could be an important
instrument against this offensive, on the condition that the ILO could
guarantee their implementation.
The merit of the ILO Tripartite Convention, once ratified by the state,
was that it was introduced into social legislation and into the Labor
Code of each state. They are an important point of leverage for workers'
organizations to win their demands.
The Charter of Fundamental Rights is only a platonic universal recommendation,
with no legal binding power. Only the U.S. government, positioning itself
to become a world state, benefits.
The program of the ITUC is at odds with the preoccupations of the world
working class. It is characterized by a total lack of concrete objectives,
to say nothing of the means to implement these.
The international unification of trade unionism should, as a principle,
strengthen the workers' ability to fight back against the reactionary
attacks of world capitalism. For the ILC, the precondition for the success
of such a project is the will to act not as a social partner accompanying
globalization, corporations, and the institutions of globalization,
but rather as an authentic organization of the working class, at the
service of the specific interests of the international working class.
However, the pronounced orientations of the ITUC only strengthen our
extreme reservations. The ILC, based on its principles and its role,
will act as a vigilant observer, developing its analysis step by step.
- Paris, December 13, 2006
The Bureau of the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples
*********************
TEXTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION'S FOUNDING CONGRESS
We are publishing below many excerpts of the Declaration of Principles,
the Programme, and the Statutes - as well as some first thoughts on
these. The rest of the documents should, in our opinion, be published
by all the organizations in order to let the activists and leaders reach
their own opinions.
1) From the Declaration of Principles of the ITUC
"The Confederation recognizes the urgent need to transform social,
economic and political structures and relations which stand as obstacles
to that vision. It assumes the task of combating poverty, hunger, exploitation,
oppression, and inequality through the international action required
by the conditions of the globalized economy, and for its democratic
governance
in the interests of labor, which it holds superior to those of capital."
The last sentence raises the principle of working toward the "democratic
governance" of the "globalized economy." Is the role
of the trade union to participate in the management of globalization,
or rather should it be to defend the specific interests of the workers?
Moreover, it is necessary to note that the workers' movement is organized
independently because its interests are antagonistic to those of capital.
There is no overlap of interests.
"The Confederation considers universal respect of the rights of
workers, and access to decent work as indispensable to just and sustainable
development. Their denial anywhere constitutes an immediate threat to
human security everywhere."
"Decent work" is now a formula found everywhere. To take
a recent example, in December 2006, the European Union -- which privatizes,
deregulates, and undermines all the workers' and people's conquests
-- just adopted the proposals of the European Commission concerning
"decent" work, which affirm: "It is necessary to link
development to values and principles of governance, in association with
economic competition and social justice."
This conception, seeking to link "competitivity" and "social
justice," is a motif in all the documents. What this means is trying
to blend the interests of the corporations -- which seek to maximize
their profits -- with those of the workers, who fight for social justice.
"The Confederation expresses unwavering support for the principles
and role of the United Nations, and for its unique legitimacy and authority
to stand as an effective guarantee of peace, security and development,
commanding the respect and adherence of all in the international community."
Trade unionists can have different opinions concerning the role of
the U.N. in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the ex-Yugoslavia. But is the role
of a trade union organization to gives its "unwavering support"
for an institution of globalization?
"It shall work to strengthen the role of the ILO, and for the
setting and universal application of international labor standards,
and to win representation at other international and regional organizations
with a view to having their policies and activities contribute coherently
to the achievement of decent work, social justice and sustainable development."
It is clear that the international workers' movement should defend
the ILO against the offensive to undermine its normative and constraining
nature. (But why is there no mention of the ILO Conventions, which once
ratified must be translated, or transposed, into national laws?)
Also, is it the role of a trade union organization to be represented
in the "international and regional organizations"? Is the
role of independent organizations to adapt to the policies of the institutions
of globalization?
The ITUC "shall develop links and cooperation with other civil
society organizations and political groupings, without compromising
trade union independence, in pursuit of the objectives of the Confederation."
One of the founders of the ITUC, Emilio Gabaglio, demonstrated theses
links with civil society by declaring at the congress that "We
must make trade unionism the most important NGO in the world."
-------------------------
The Message of Kofi Annan to the ITUC Congress
The General Secretary of the U.N., Kofi Annan, wrote a message to the
founding congress of the ITUC, which was published on the ITUC's website.
It reads:
"This is a historic day for the global labor movement. The United
Nations warmly welcomes this decision. We now have one clear counterpart
on social, economic and development issues as they relate to the world
of work. On all of these fronts, the United Nations looks forward
to ever closer cooperation with the new International Trade Union Confederation.
Given the importance we attach to policy coherence at all institutional
levels, we are confident that our partnership will grow even stronger
with the creation of this new body. In that spirit, I wish you all a
most productive founding congress."
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2) From the Programmatic Resolution
"The delegates, representing 168 million members of 304 affiliated
national
trade union centers in 153 countries and territories at the Founding
Congress of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), Vienna,
1-3 November 2006 pledge to work together in a spirit of solidarity,
democracy, and equality to make the Confederation the instrument of
a new trade union internationalism, capable of realizing the aims set
out in its Constitution."
What are the perspectives of this new trade unionism?
The "Congress assumes the task of combating poverty, exploitation,
oppression and inequality, ensuring the conditions for the enjoyment
of universal human rights, and promoting effective representation of
working women and men worldwide. It recognizes that, to succeed, it
must adapt the working methods of the international trade union movement
to the challenges and opportunities of globalization, make international
trade union action an integral part of the work of national trade union
organizations, and mobilize worldwide action in support of its objectives."
But isn't globalization the current form of capitalist exploitation
on an international scale? What "opportunities" does it offer
the working class? Privatizations, off-shoring, lower wages? Isn't this
a dangerous formulation?
The "Congress pledges the ITUC to change globalization fundamentally,
so that it works for working women and men, the unemployed, and the
poor. It is essential to the achievement of the permanent aims of the
Confederation that the policies of free market neo-liberalism, and the
manifest failings and incoherence of the international community in
respect of the current process of globalization, give way to governance
of the global economy which:
* Combines the three pillars of sustainable development -- economic,
social and environmental;
* Guarantees universal respect of workers' fundamental rights;
* Generates decent work for all;
* Puts an end to mass poverty and substantially reduces inequality in
and between nations;
* Promotes growth with equitable income distribution."
"Changing globalization"? Capitalist exploitation is "incoherent"?
What worker can understand this language?
What should be established? A good governance of the world economy?
But what about the sovereignty of the peoples and workers? Should this
disappear for the benefit of "decent work" and "sustainable
development"?
"The provision of quality public services for all people must
be at the heart of this new model of globalization. It is the responsibility
of governments to guarantee the right to education and equitable access
to health and other essential services, including clean water and sanitation.
Making life-long education a reality for all is the key to participation
in the knowledge society."
What is equitable access to health? A minimum "case basket,"
with everything else run by private companies, like in the U.S. and
numerous other countries? Is the role of trade unionism to set an objective
for the international institutions?
"The ITUC must work for the incorporation of a workers' rights
clause into WTO statutes Workers' organizations should have a consultative
status
in the elaboration and the implementation of the agreements."
The ITUC demands to be integrated into the WTO? But isn't this completely
contradictory with the traditions of trade union independence?
--------------------
An Editorial from the Employers
Jean Boissonnat, a representative of the French Christian employers,
published an editorial on November 6 in the Ouest France newspaper:
"
"The event did not make the headlines or television news. Nevertheless,
it is emblematic of the new century. The main trade union organizations
of the world came together in a International Trade Union Confederation.
Social conflicts no longer arise only from the divergent interests
of the capitalists and wage earners but, more and more, from the competition
between developed countries (The West and Japan) and the emerging countries
(Asia and Latin America). We are seeing a planetary reorganization of
economic and social life. Time is needed to set up the political institutions
and social rules capable of regulating this new system and correcting
the often very rude effects, such as the off-shoring we see in our country.
The ITUC must create means of action adapted to this new situation."
There is some talk in this passage of "regulation," but Boissonnat
essentially goes to the heart of the matter. The question for him is
no longer the conflict between capitalists and workers, but between
the developed and emerging countries. For this man, the conflict between
labor and capital is a thing of the past. It will substituted by a correction
of the effects of off-shoring? The role of the ITUC is to accept off-shoring?
--------------------
3) From the Statutes (Bylaws) of the ITUC
"Article IV: Suspension and Expulsion
(a) The General Council shall have the right to suspend, and the Congress
shall have the right to expel, any member organization for action, or
lack thereof, deemed by those bodies to be in violation of this Constitution,
or against the interests of the Confederation.
A trade union can be excluded for "inaction"? Who will judge
this and by what criteria? Where is the respect for federalism? National
trade union organizations are sovereign.
The Congress
Article XI: Delegations and Representatives (a) Member organizations
shall select their delegates taking into account the aim to actively
promote and achieve gender parity in their leadership bodies and activities
at all levels. Women shall constitute half of the delegations of organizations
having 2 or more delegates. Any organization which has 50,000 members
or less should designate a woman delegate, if women represent 50% or
more of its membership. (b) Taking into account the aim to integrate
young workers into the trade union movement, the General Council will
set a target of not less than 10% before each Congress for the level
of youth participation."
Of course, all trade unions are for the promotion of women and youth
to leadership positions. But isn't this something else? The organizations
are no longer sovereign to set their delegates for the congress? Will
they be dependent on quotas?
"Article XIII: Credentials and Nominations (a) Member organizations
must submit the names of their representatives Secretary not later than
three months prior to the Congress."
"Submit," not transmit? According to the dictionary, "to
submit" means presenting for judgment and choice. So the affiliated
organizations will no longer be able to choose their own delegates?
This all will depend on the good will of the leadership of the ITUC?
Is this what is meant?
"Article XIV: Agenda (b) The General Secretary shall communicate
to member organizations the agenda not later than six months prior to
the Congress, and invite them to send in proposals related to various
items of the agenda. These proposals shall be so forwarded as to reach
the General Secretary not later than three months prior to the Congress.
(c) The proposals received shall, prior to their submission to the Congress,
be reviewed by the General Council which may direct the General Secretary
to circulate any or all of them to member organizations in advance to
enable amendments thereto to be forwarded. In this event the General
Council shall fix the time limit for submission of the amendments. (d)
The General Council shall have the power to make recommendations in
regard to proposals and amendments. The General Council shall be also
empowered to submit proposals directly to the Congress, either on general
questions or on matters of emergency which have arisen during or immediately
prior to the Congress. (e) All proposals or draft resolutions submitted
by member organizations after the time limit fixed in paragraph (b)
shall be referred to the General Council. The General Council may decide
to submit them to the Congress as in paragraph (d) above, but its decision
will be final."
So the General Council can decide to not present a draft resolution
defended by an affiliate? How are the national trade union confederations
supposed to defend their positions?
--------------------
The ITUC: A "broader" and "bigger" organization?
Aided with a media barrage, everybody wants to give the impression
that the ITUC has gathered more forces than every before for its action
program, statues, and orientation. But the facts demonstrate that this
is a lie.
The ICFTU and the WCL represented 380, with 181 million members in
156 countries. Today, the ITUC gathers together 304 organizations. 30
organizations of the ICFTU did not join the ITUC. The ITUC brings together
8 "new members" who were neither part of the ICFTU or the
WCL. Thus, this is a loss of 76 organizations that were part of the
ICFTU or the WCL.
-----
"The General Council
Article XXIV: Agenda (b) Any member organization has the right to
submit suggestions for the agenda of the General Council, which shall
decide if and when discussion of the item is appropriate. Such suggestions
must be received in writing by the General Secretary not less than one
month prior to the date of the General Council meeting."
Thus, an affiliate has no guarantee that its proposals will be discussd
in the General Council? Doesn't this in fact take away its ability to
be a sovereign national confederation?
"Article XXXIV: Other Financial Sources
(c) The General Secretary, reporting to the General Council, may, for
defined purposes, apply for financing from public and private sources,
in conditions which guarantee fully its independence and freedom of
action."
What are these private sources? The corporations, the IMF, and the
World Bank?
"CONGRESS STANDING ORDERS
Article IV: Objections to Credentials
(d) Any delegation that is unable to comply with the Constitutional
provision of Article XI (a) related to gender parity must provide an
explanation to the Credentials Committee, which shall take such explanation
into account in its report to Congress and make appropriate recommendations,
based on guidelines drawn up by the General Council."
Isn't this a confirmation that the delegates cannot sovereignly choose
their delegates?
"Article VII: Right to address the Congress
(e) Should the Chairperson consider that there is no real difference
of opinion among the delegates, he or she shall have the power to close
the debate and if so required proceed to the taking of a vote.
(f) The Chairperson may require speakers to resume their seat if their
remarks are not relevant to the subject under discussion."
Isn't there a risk that the Chairperson will run everything?
"GENERAL COUNCIL STANDING ORDERS
Article IX: Reports, Minutes and Communiqués (a) A verbatim
record of the sittings of the General Council shall be kept. This shall
not be published or distributed. (b) The General Secretary shall keep
the minutes of the meetings. They shall not be published. At the commencement
of each meeting, a summarized report of the previous meeting shall be
approved."
But what shall the organizations not represented on the General Council
do? They are to remain completely in the dark concerning the deliberations?
***********************
DOCUMENTS OF THE U.N., IMF, WORLD BANK, AND NGOs
It is impossible to separate the process leading to the founding of
the ITUC from the reform underway of the U.N. and, more generally, of
the whole project on an international level to set up a new world "governance."
The international supranational institutions, such as the IMF and the
World Bank, are also elaborating plans to link up with the so-called
"civil society."
It is to help advance the discussion concerning these plans that we
are publishing a few documents that come from these very institutions.
-----
1) Timeline
-- April 3, 2000: Kofi Annan, General Secretary of the U.N. presents
his report for the Millennium Summit, titled "We the peoples: The
role of the United Nations in the 21st Century," which declares:
"The U.N. must adapt itself to the world today. We should develop
relationships with the organizations of civil society, the private sector,
and foundations. Networks for change must be built. To complete the
actions of the official organizations, informal networks of governance
should be set up, which bring together international organizations,
organizations of civil society, the private sector, and governments,
to work on common objectives."
-- July 26, 2000: The Global Compact is launched. This Compact illustrates
the will of the corporations, NGOs, and institutions to affirm themselves
as actors in the new "responsible" world economy. Close to
300 corporations are represented.
-- September 6-8, 2000: The Millennium Summit meets. 147 heads of state
and 191 nations adopt the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations,
which takes decisions concerning "peace and security" and
the functioning of the U.N., through "improving cooperation between
the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO, as well as the multilateral
organisms," and "giving the private sector, NGOs, and civil
society in general the possibility of contributing to the realization
of the objectives and programmes of the organization."
-- September 23, 2003: The Summit Group on the reform of the U.N. is
created. This group of 16 people is mandated to propose a reform of
the system of the U.N.
"The work of the Group limits itself to the domain of peace and
security, in the large sense of the word. That means that the Group
must broaden its analysis and its recommendation to the other questions
and institutions, including the economic and social questions that have
a direct impact on the future threats against peace and security."
-- June 11, 2004: The Cardoso report is published concerning the relationship
between the United Nations and civil society. The text contained 30
proposals.
-- December 2004: The report, "A safer world: An affair for all
of us" is published. The proposal is made to create a "Commission
for the establishment of peace, mandated to prevent the failure of states
and assist the transition from war to peace."
-- September 14-16, 2005: The U.N. World Summit meets to decide the
measures of "radical reform" prepared since 2003. Numerous
decisions were postponed due to a lack of consensus. For example, the
U.S. government registered 750 amendments to the reform project of 39
pages.
-- December 20, 2005: The Commission for the Consolidation of Peace
of the U.N., through resolution 1645 (5) passed unanimously by the Security
Council and the General Assembly, was created. This is the first subsidiary
organ of both the General Assembly and the Security Council. The Commission
is mandated to help countries coming out of a conflict to manage their
transition. In the framework of this commission, "the first concrete
result of the reforms decided on at the World Summit in 2005,"
the decision was also taken "to establish a permanent police force
for the peace missions of the U.N."
-- March 7, 2006: Kofi Annan proposes to the member states a vast reform
of the U.N. administration, "to completely reform all the secretariat,
its rules, its structure, for it to be better adapted to today's realities."
On July 7, 2006, the General Assembly adopted a resolutions modifying
the running of the Secretariat. (A/RES/60/283).
-- September 6-8, 2006: Over 2,500 NGOs representatives meet with the
U.N. around the theme: "Unfinished Business."
-- September 19-20, 2006: The annual meeting of the World Bank and
IMF in Singapore discusses the reform of the international financial
institutions, with the goal of creating useful instruments against world
injustice and financial instability.
Source: www.un.org
--------------------
2) The Global Compact: July 26, 2000
The Global Compact website gives the following explanation for its
origins and goals:
"In an address to the World Economic Forum on 31 January 1999,
United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan challenged business leaders
to join an international initiative -- the Global Compact --that would
bring companies together with UN agencies, labor and civil society to
support universal environmental and social principles. The Global Compact's
operational phase was launched at UN Headquarters in New York on 26
July 2000. Today, thousands of companies from all regions of the world,
international labor and civil society organizations are engaged in the
Global Compact, working to advance ten universal principles in the areas
of human rights, labor, the environment and anti-corruption . Through
the power of collective action, the Global Compact seeks to promote
responsible corporate citizenship so that business can be part of the
solution to the challenges of globalization. In this way, the private
sector - in partnership with other social actors - can help realize
the Secretary-General's vision: a more sustainable and inclusive global
economy."
The Global Compact's 10 Principles:
"Human Rights
Principle 1: Businesses should support and respect the protection of
internationally proclaimed human rights; and
Principle 2: make sure that they are not complicit in human rights abuses.
Labor Standards
Principle 3: Businesses should uphold the freedom of association and
the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining;
Principle 4: the elimination of all forms of forced and compulsory labor;
Principle 5: the effective abolition of child labor; and
Principle 6: the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment
and occupation.
Environment
Principle 7: Businesses should support a precautionary approach to environmental
challenges;
Principle 8: undertake initiatives to promote greater environmental
responsibility; and
Principle 9: encourage the development and diffusion of environmentally
friendly technologies
Anti-Corruption
Principle 10: Businesses should work against all forms of corruption,
including extortion and bribery."
On the U.N. website one can read the following:
"Is the Global Compact legally binding? Answer: No. The Global
Compact is a purely voluntary initiative. It does not police or enforce
the behavior or actions of companies. Rather, it is designed to stimulate
change and to promote good corporate citizenship and encourage innovative
solutions and partnerships."
Who is on the Global Compact Board?
The new Global Compact Board was appointed by the Secretary-General
Kofi Annan on April 20, 2006. Among the members are:
"Business Mr. Talal ABU GHAZALEH Chairman and CEO, Talal Abu-Ghazaleh
Organization, Egypt Professor José Sergio Gabrielli de AZEVEDO
President and CEO, Petrobras, Brazil Mr. Guillermo CAREY Senior Partner,
Carey & Allende Abogados, Chile Mrs. CHEN Ying Deputy Director General,
China Enterprise Confederation, China Mrs. Suzanne Nora JOHNSON Vice
Chairman, Goldman Sachs Group, USA Ms. Anne LAUVERGEON Chair of the
Executive Board, Areva, France Ms. Ntombifuthi MTOBA Chair of the Board,
Deloitte, South Africa Mr. B. MUTHURAMAN Managing Director, Tata Steel,
India Professor Mads OEVLISEN Adjunct Professor and Chair, Lego, Denmark
Mr. Hiroyuki UEMURA Former President, Mitsui Sumitomo Insurance Co.,
Japan International Labor and Business Organizations Mr. Fred HIGGS
General Secretary, International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine
and General Workers' Unions Mr. Antonio PENALOSA Secretary-General,
International Organization of Employers Mr. Guy RYDER General Secretary,
International Confederation of Free Trade Union Mr. Guy SEBBAN Secretary-General,
International Chamber of Commerce Civil Society Mrs. Habiba AL MARASHI
Chair, Emirates Environmental Group Mr. Oded GRAJEW Chair of the Board,
Instituto Ethos de Empresas e Responsabilidade Social Dr. Huguette LABELLE
Chair, Transparency International Mrs. Mary ROBINSON Chair, Realizing
Rights - The Ethical Globalization Initiative Ex-Officio Sir Mark MOODY-STUART
Chairman, Foundation for the Global Compact Mr. Georg KELL Executive
Head, UN Global Compact Office."
--------------------
3) Millennium Summit, September 6 to 8, 2000
In September 2000, 147 heads of states and 191 nations adopted the
Millennium Declaration of the United Nations. The declaration focused
on:
"I.Values and principles II. Peace, Security, and Disarmament
III. Development and Poverty Elimination IV. Environmental Protection
V. Human Rights, Democracy, and Good Governance VI. Protecting the Rights
of Vulnerable Groups VII. Responding to the Specific Needs of Africa
VIII. Strengthening the United Nations
"We resolve therefore:
"- To intensify our efforts to achieve a comprehensive reform
of the Security Council in all its aspects. o To strengthen further
the Economic and Social Council, building on its recent achievements,
to help it fulfill the role ascribed to it in the Charter.
"- To ensure greater policy coherence and better cooperation between
the United Nations, its agencies, the Bretton Woods Institutions and
the World Trade Organization, as well as other multilateral bodies,
with a view to achieving a fully coordinated approach to the problems
of peace and development.
"- To give greater opportunities to the private sector, non-governmental
organizations and civil society, in general, to contribute to the realization
of the Organization's goals and programmes."
The Millennium Objectives for Development, meant to be implemented
by 2015 are:
"1. Reducing extreme poverty and hunger. 2. Assuring primary education
for all. 3. Promoting equality for women. 4. Reducing infant mortality.
5. Improving maternal health. 6. Combating AIDS/HIV, malaria, and other
illnesses. 7. Assuring a sustainable environment. 8. Implement a world
partnership for development."
--------------------
4) The U.N. and NGOs
Six years later, on September 6 - 8 2006, the 59th Annual DPI-NGO Conference
took place, bringing together more than 2,500 representatives of NGOs
around the theme: "Unfinished Business: Building effective partnerships
for human security and sustainable development." After, as the
U.N. General Secretary noted, major cooperation between the U.N. and
NGO representatives in 2005, there was now the creation of an Executive
Committee of NGOs who work with the U.N. But, according to Kofi Annan,
a new stage had to be reached:
"There is a remarkable expansion of civil society's role in the
stewardship of a changing world, and your growing leadership in areas
where Government have sometimes been unwilling or unable to act.
"The global NGO revolution -- a revolution driven by citizens
the world over -- has helped move the global agenda and given new life
and new meaning to the idea of an international community.
"Where once monitoring and enforcement were largely the role of
Governments, today civil society often leads in ensuring compliance
with international agreements, on issues ranging from human rights and
child labor to the environment and corporate social responsibility.
Where once checks and balances in democratic societies were largely
the domain of national parliaments, today a vibrant civil society provides
a vital check on State excess.
You have that capacity to push the envelope and say and do things that
we cannot."
Source: www.un.org
--------------------
5) The Cardoso Report on Relations Between the United Nations and Civil
Society
In the framework of the preparation of the reform of the U.N., the
former president of Brazil was mandated to write a report with a panel
of "eminent personalities." The report was published on June
11, 2004.
The report, titled, "We the peoples: civil society, the United
Nations and global governance" contains 30 proposals, including
the following:
"Proposal 2. The United Nations should embrace an array of forums,
each designed to achieve a specific outcome, with participation determined
accordingly. The cycle of global debate on an issue should include:
o Interactive high-level round tables to survey the framework of issues
o Global conferences to define norms and targets o Multi-stakeholder
partnerships to put the new norms and targets into practice o Multi-stakeholder
hearings to monitor compliance, review experience and revise strategies
"The Panel is of the view that some civil society constituencies
deserve greater attention by the United Nations Trade unions. These
vital civil society actors should be involved in all matters that relate
to labor policy, social safety nets and employment. The Panel suggests
regular high-level meetings between United Nations officials and union
leaders, facilitated by the Office of Constituency Engagement and Partnerships
in collaboration with the International Labor Organization (ILO) and
other relevant United Nations organizations
"Help strengthen democracy for the twenty-first century. The United
Nations should accept a more explicit role in strengthening global governance
and tackling the democratic deficits it is prone to, emphasizing participatory
democracy and deeper accountability of institutions to the global public.
Through its influence with Governments, intergovernmental agencies,
national parliaments and the media, it can help to reshape democracy
to make it more relevant to today's global realities and needs. What
then should be the underpinning principles? Participatory democracy
is becoming more important alongside representative democracy. Legitimacy
in policy-shaping does not derive solely from the ballot box.
"Public opinion is rightly emerging as a powerful force in shaping
policies and global priorities,
"Religious and spiritual groups. These groups provide powerful
community leadership, shape public opinion, provide advice on ethical
matters, facilitate reconciliation between conflicting communities and
identify the needs of vulnerable groups."
--------------------
6) Global Unions and the WCL support the Cardoso Report
Here are some excerpts from the declaration of Global Unions and WCL
to the U.N. World Summit of September 14-16, 2005. The Global Unions
group is made up of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU), the Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) to the OECD, and
the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which represent their respective
sectors at the international trade union level (UNI, IFBWW, IUF, IMF,
PSI, EI, ITGLWF, IFJ, ITF and ICEM):
"The final Outcome Document for the 2005 World Summit must focus
on the structural causes of persistent and endemic poverty, and on the
need for a paradigm shift in global economic governance, if this trend
is to be decisively reversed. Such a change of course would bring about
the "fair globalization" called for in the report of the World
Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization, with a view to
ensuring that increases in ODA and outlays of resources for the scaling
up of investments result in poverty eradication and the attainment of
the MDGs.
"The trade union movement calls for the establishment of the right
regulatory framework to promote private sector involvement in the global
struggle for the achievement of the MDGs. This must include the application
of core labor standards and of the OECD Guidelines on Multinational
Enterprises, and ensure that business fulfils its social responsibilities,
including an open and positive attitude toward trade unions.
"The consultative rights accorded to NGOs under ECOSOC should
be extended to the General Assembly, the Security Council, and the new
Human Rights Council. This would be in keeping with the recommendations
of the Cardoso report for an outward-looking United Nations whose work
would be considerably enhanced through engagement with civil society
at all levels of its deliberative processes. This dimension was inadequately
addressed in the June draft Outcome Document, and should be included
in the final Outcome Document."
Source: www.un.org
--------------------
7) The OECD Principles
The Principles of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development
are often cited in the documents of the international institutions,
NGOs, and even in trade unions. What are these? Adopted in 1999, these
are "recommendations from governments to multinational corporations."
They are revised every year and in 2004 they were renamed the "OECD
Principles of Corporate Governance."
They are presented as, "the basis for an extensive programme of
cooperation between OECD and non-OECD countries and underpin the corporate
governance component of World Bank/IMF Reports on the Observance of
Standards and Codes (ROSC)."
Here is one of the principles:
"IX. Competition
Enterprises should, within the framework of applicable laws and regulations,
conduct their activities in a competitive manner. In particular, enterprises
should:
1. Refrain from entering into or carrying out anti-competitive agreements
among competitors: a) To fix prices. b) To make rigged bids (collusive
tenders). c) To establish output restrictions or quotas; or d) To share
or divide markets by allocating customers, suppliers, territories or
lines of commerce.
2. Conduct all of their activities in a manner consistent with all
applicable competition laws, taking into account the applicability of
the competition laws of jurisdictions whose economies would be likely
to be harmed by anti-competitive activity on their part. 3. Co-operate
with the competition authorities of such jurisdictions by, among other
things and subject to applicable law and appropriate safeguards, providing
as prompt and complete responses as practicable to requests for information.
4. Promote employee awareness of the importance of compliance with all
applicable competition laws and policies."
Concerning the "Principle of Competition," the OECD writes:
"These Guidelines are intended to emphasize the importance of competition
laws and policies to the efficient operation of both domestic and international
markets, to reaffirm the importance of compliance with those laws and
policies by domestic and multinational enterprises, and to ensure that
all enterprises are aware of developments concerning the number, scope,
and severity of competition laws and in the extent of co-operation among
competition authorities. The term "competition" law is used
to refer to laws, including both "antitrust" and "antimonopoly"
laws, that prohibit collective or unilateral action to (a) abuse market
power or dominance, (b) acquire market power or dominance by means other
than efficient performance, or (c) engage in anti-competitive agreements."
One question: What is the meaning of a trade union referring to these
"principles" respecting the "right to competition"?
Are these workers' principles? Don't these threaten, for example, the
renationalization of the oil in Bolivia?
Source: www.oecd.org/dataoecd/56/36/1922428.pdf
--------------------
8) The Bulletin of the IMF
The IMF and the World Bank organized three days and half of meetings
with trade unions on May 27-30, 2006 in Washington "in the framework
of regular dialogue aiming to strengthen the contact between trade unions
and the international financial institutions," the Bulletin for
Civil Society of the IMF reports. We learn in this text that the ICFTU
and the WCL made a report concerning "the imminent fusions between
the two confederations and various other groups of independent trade
unions inside the new world organization."
"Case studies" concerning Bulgaria, Nepal, Colombia, South
Africa, and Germany "to define how the IMF and the World Bank deal
with the questions of labor" demonstrated that "important
differences in opinion remain between the international financial institutions
concerning the measures needed, but the participants unanimously thought
that the case studies afforded an space for interesting dialogue."
--------------------
9) The World Bank and the International Finance Corporation
The World Bank and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the
institution of the World Bank that is mandated to deal with operations
with the private sector. established new "social and environmental
norms."
On February 21, 2006 the IFC adopted "eight social and environmental
performance standards." The Performance Standards consist of the
following:
"Performance Standard 1: Social and Environmental Assessment and
Management System
Performance Standard 2: Labor and Working Conditions
Performance Standard 3: Pollution Prevention and Abatement
Performance Standard 4: Community Health, Safety and Security Performance
Standard 5: Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement Performance
Standard 6: Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Natural Resource
Management
Performance Standard 7: Indigenous Peoples
Performance Standard 8: Cultural Heritage."
According to the World Bank, "these standards aim to protect peoples
and the environmental and promote good practice concerning management,
while involving the communities, to produce a very significant impact
on development."
Concerning "Labor and Working Conditions," the IFC standard
refers to the "four fundamental norms of the ILO, which were set
up as non-constraining principles after 1998.
Let us now look at the translation of these "new standards"
in real life. The IFC in its "Doing Business 2007", a document
published on October 30, 2006 takes note of all this. The introduction
explains:
"Doing Business 2007: How to Reform is the fourth in a series
of annual reports investigating the regulations that enhance business
activity and those that constrain it. Doing Business presents quantitative
indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights
that can be compared across 175 economies-from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe-and
over time."
Between January 2005 and April 2006 over 213 reforms took place in
112 countries.
Romania, which placed second, "adopted new labor regulation to
encourage businesses to hire first-time workers allowing term contracts
to extend up to 6 years. It also eased trading across borders. After-clearance
audits now enable customs to quickly release cargo to importers, with
the container contents verified after it reaches the warehouse. The
time that traders need to satisfy all regulatory requirements was cut
in half, to 14 days. And the number of export documents fell to 4, matching
the EU average.
Georgia is the top reformer, improving in 6 of the 10 areas studied
by Doing Business (table 1.1). It reduced the minimum capital required
to start a new business from 2,000 lari to 200 ($85). Business registrations
rose by 20% between 2005 and 2006. Reforms in customs and the border
police simplified border procedures. It took 54 days to meet all the
administrative requirements to export in 2004-it now takes 13.
Georgia's new labor regulations help workers move to better jobs. The
social security contributions paid by businesses decreased from 31%
of wages to 20%, making it easier for employers to hire new workers."
The new Performance Standards of the World Bank and it IFC and their
"Doing Business" mix perfectly. These so-called "social"
norms are essentially "performance standards" for capitalist
exploitation. They are in contradiction with workers' rights and ILO
conventions. How could the workers' movement conceivably use these "performance
standards"?
Source: http://www.ifc.org/policyreview
-------------------
10) The Reform of the IMF
The annual meeting of the IMF and World Bank, which met in Singapore
on September 19 and 20, 2006, put the reform of the IMF at the center
of the agenda.
Parallel to the U.N., the IMF and World Bank have reforms underway.
In line with the principles of the OECD, new "governances"
are appearing. Thus, "the services of the World Bank are in constant
contact with civil society."
A team of 120 "civil society specialists" constituted a new
structure in 2002, aiming "to better coordinate the activities
of the institutions with civil society and assure better access of civil
society to the services of the World Bank."
The Bulletin of the IMF on November 27 explains: "In recent years,
the media, decision makers, international observers, and NGOs have constantly
demanded that the mandate and structure of t he IMF respond to the needs
of all its members. According to critics, it is necessary to reform
the decision-making structure of these world institutions, in which
the industrialized countries control more than 60% of capital, in order
to make it more legitimate, participatory, and responsible."
Concerning the structure of watching over economies and their finances,
"there is consensus concerning the need to improve the mechanisms"
because "during crises, the surveillances were often deficient
and incapable of anticipating events, notably in the emerging countries":
"The steps include an immediate increase of quota shares for four
emerging-market countries (China, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey);
an agreement to review the formula that determines Fund quotas and voting
rights by the 2007 Annual Meetings; and an agreement to protect the
voice of low-income countries by guaranteeing that their basic votes
will at least be doubled. Quotas determine a country's financial commitment
to the IMF and its voting power in the institution, and they play a
role in determining access to IMF financing. The current quota formula
takes into account various economic factors, including GDP, current
account transactions, and official reserves. In recent years, there
have been only gradual changes in IMF quotas, and a rebalancing is needed
to bring the quota structure more into line with the current structure
of the world economy.
The United States would accept a reduction in the number of its votes
"as long as its votes remain more than 15% of the total votes"
which would allow the U.S. 'to conserve its right to veto the decisions
that need a majority of 85 %'"
-------------------
11) "The Forum for the Future: The Promotion of Political and Economic
Reforms in the Middle East" or how "the G8 and regional partners
associate groups of civil society"
This forum took place in Jordan from November 30 to December 1, 2006.
"Our objective is to aid peoples to express themselves, find their
freedom, and find their path," declared president George W. Bush
concerning the forum, which was "an established partnership between
the countries of the region of the Middle East and North Africa, the
G8 and other democratic states, around an agenda to promote political,
economic, and social reforms in the region."
The communiqué from the U.S. State Department specifies: "Civil
society and the companies of the region can communicate their objectives
and their ideas of reform to the governments meeting on the highest
levels. The Secretary of State, Condoleeza Rice, will join this year
other Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the forum to reaffirm the determination
of the U.S. to support women and men in the region who fight for real
reforms. This year, the Forum for Future has the theme of political
and economic emancipation, particularly for women and children. The
Forum will deal with the following themes:
Political participation, elections, and the media
Legal independence
The legal framework of civil society
Transparency and corruption
Womens' emancipation
Youth participation
Education and economic outlets
Six organization of civil society participated in the first forum in
2004. This year, more than 50 organizations representing hundreds of
NGOs and thousands of reformers participated. In the time between the
annual forums, the G8 and the regional partners work with groups of
civil society to stimulate progress and implement reform plans."
Sources - http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/fre/2006/112706F.pdf
and http://usinfo.state.gov/francais/
********************
THE ITUC SUPPORTS CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
The program adopted by the founding congress of the ITUC supports corporate
social responsibility (CSR) and the international agreements frameworks.
Point 19 states: "The ITUC should assume a central role in the
public political debate concerning corporate social responsibility.
The congress recognizes the importance of world social dialogue and
welcomes the global frameworks between multinational corporations and
international trade union federations." This notion of corporate
social responsibility poses a whole series of questions because these
frameworks neither respect the existing national collective bargaining
contracts in each country or all the ILO Conventions."
This concept was born at the 1992 Rio Summit. CSR aims to create an
agreement on a world level inside a corporation between the trade union
and the bosses. The NGOs and civil society are invited to be a constituent
part of these agreements.
In 2000, the U.N. raised, in its world agreement, the concept of CSR.
In 2002, the Johannesburg summit spoke of environmental, social, and
economic CSR.
Why are the capitalists so interested in implementing CSR?
In a discussion on the 60 year anniversary of the United Nations, the
Executive Director of Oxfam International, Mr. Jeremy Hobbs spoke of
"the corporate social responsibility that must be set up to respect
human rights. The companies should integrate this principle and
the NGOs need the companies to raise the argument of development at
the Doha Cycle negotiations, without all this blocking the Ministerial
Meeting of the WTO." Remaining in the framework of the WTO -- that
is, the stranglehold of the U.S. corporations over national economies
-- CSR adapts to its policies. In any case, the conclusions of the 2002
summit were supported by the international institutions.
The World Bank published recommendations and began a education course
to educate companies about the concept of CSR. By the beginning of 2006,
this course had been given to over 12,000 business representatives throughout
the world.
The OECD has published recommendations to implement CSR. The European
Commission defends a voluntary policy of CSR for the General Corporate
Summit. Why all this support?
Adidas defined its CSR strategy as follows: "Outsourcing production
should not mean outsourcing moral responsibility. This strategy aims
to obtain supplies at the lowest acceptable price, not the lowest price.
The company and its teams know the right to work and the security
rules of the country."
In other words, Adidas, a "socially responsible corporation"
searches for a labor force in countries, regions, and zones, where the
labor codes are weaker or non-existent. Let us recall that Adidas announced
in May 2006 a Net Profit of 144 million Euros in the first trimester.
At the same time, it produced its balls with a sub-contractor in India
and its shoes in Vietnam at "the cheapest price" possible.
In September 2002, the OECD ended a claim begun by sub-contracted Indonesian
workers against Adidas and sub-human working conditions. Adidas recently
saw that the Chinese labor market brought in profits and now intends
to fight Nike in this country.
The French head Nature et Decouverte, Francoi Lermarchand, has given
his definition of CSR: "Developing our company on a sustainable
and profitable basis, while preserving the equilibrium between the aspirations
of our consumers, our teams, our contractors, and our shareholders in
order to positively contribute to society." The workers disappear
into the term "teams" meant to assure the profits of the shareholders.
CSR is above all an agreement signed between an international trade
union federation and a corresponding corporation. CSR is thus outside
the framework of nations and the class struggle in the national framework.
And what does the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) say?
In a communiqué from March 14, 2006, the ETUC wrote the following
about CSR: (CSR) prides itself on having "the force of persuasion.
It is indispensable and fundamental that CSR be set in the orientations
on a European level. The promotion of standards concerning the whole
governance of the company transparency, and quality of products,
sub-contractors, producers, and off-shoring is needed."
Isn't it strange for a so-called trade union confederation to demand
good quality off-shoring? Every trade union leader knows that off-shoring
are the means used by the capitalists to raise surplus value and counter-act
the tendency for the profit rate to fall.
The ETUC demands: "The elaboration of labels or similar acts in
the framework of the procedure and controls set by the Commission concerning
trade unions and NGOs."
Isn't this subordination to the European Commission? This Commission
imposes its directives on nations, substituting the national labor codes
and collective bargaining agreements. CSR substitutes national rights.
This means the generalization of free enterprise zones. Secondly, the
trade unions are on the same level as the NGOs; in this way, CSR uses
NGOs against trade unions.
Certain international trade union federations have also asked how to
adopt this CSR orientation. Fred Higgs, the General Secretary of the
International Federation of Chemical, Energy, and Mines Workers (ICEM)
explains: "CSR is an important idea. Its success depends in large
part on a high level of co-operation in industries between the trade
unions, the employers, and the associations." CSR passes through
the international agreements, and the ICEM, by 2004, had signed 25%
of the international agreements.
What are the consequences for the workers?
One example: The National French Electricity enterprise was privatized
after this agreement. It lost 6,000 workers in one year and the pensions
of the workers were threatened. Nevertheless, "the agreement on
corporate social responsibility was signed on January 24, 2005 by Pierre
Gaddoneix, by representatives of the workers in the 11 countries where
the company is significantly present and by the four international energy
trade unions. This text sets the engagement of the group and the wage-workers
concerning social responsibility and envisions the creation of an international
structure of social dialogue." (EDF website)
Another example: "Luxemburg, September 2005 - Arcelor signed a
world agreement on the principles of social responsibility with the
International Federation of Metal Workers (FIOM) and the European Federation
of Metal Workers (FEM)."
The Arcelor corporation is the first metal company to sign such an
agreement. What is Arcelor? "Arcelor is a principle actor in the
global metal industry. With 30 billion Euros in business in 2004, the
group is the leader in its main markets: automobile, construction, electric
household appliances and packing, as well as general industry.
The company -- the number one producer of steel in Europe and Latin
America - aims to continue its international expansion, in order to
take advantage of the potential growth of the emerging economies and
to offer innovative steel solutions to its global clients. Arcelor employs
95,000 people in more than 60 countries. Sustainable development is
at the heart of the Arcelor strategy. The enterprise aims to be a reference
point for economic performance, social relations, and societal responsibility."
Guy Dollé, the human resources director of Arcelor, declared:
"This agreement is the expression and the confirmation of our principles
of responsibility and our engagement to respect and equally treat every
member of our personnel. We are convinced that this engagement will
help us to grow internationally in a sustainable manner.'"
Rob Johnston of the FIOM greeted the international agreement with Arcelor:
"It specifies in clear terms how the enterprise intends to respect
workers on a global scale. We will ensure that the workers work with
Arcelor to put this agreement into practice, this first such agreement
in the metal industry."
Paul Scherrer of the FEM explains: "Arcelor has raised the bar
on corporate social responsibility. We hope that other companies in
the metal industry will follow this example."
From 2003 to 2005, Arcelor went from 108,000 to 94,900 workers. From
1981 to 1995 billion francs in public funds in France went to Arcelor
to cut more than 100,000 jobs throughout the world.
In 1995, the state enterprise was privatized for 11 billion. Afterwards,
its shareholders, that is, the pensions fund, made Arcelor 35 billion
in profits.
A few more examples:
1/ Volkswagen
The big German auto company was one of the first in the world to sign
a "corporate social responsibility" agreement. Let's give
a few concrete examples of the policies of this multinational.
- On August 23, 2004, the management of Volkswagen announced a plan
to cut 30% of its payroll costs. The plan foresaw the freeze of the
wages of the 103,000 German workers for one month and in the coming
period to link 30% of wages to company performance. - On November 3,
2004, the final Volkswagen plan was announced: the freeze of wages for
28 months and the flexibilization of labor with the implementation of
"saving-time" accounts. This all took place with the so-called
assurance that jobs would be kept until 2011.
- On September 5, 2005, the Volkswagen management announced a social
plan that required voluntary retirements. The German press spoke of
14,000 job cuts in Europe by 2008. A few days later, the IG Metall trade
union declared such off-shoring to be illegal and a breach in the wage
agreements.
- On November 21, 2005, the Volkswagen bosses announced in the press
that they would not exclude resorting to lay-offs, despite the agreement
signed earlier.
- In September 2006, the Volkswagen CEO announced that 13,200 workers
had already chosen to leave the company after the announcement that
the company had to get rid of 20,000 jobs.
- On November 21, 2006, Volkswagen announced that it intended to cut
4,000 jobs in its factory in Belgium.
2/ Bosch
- On April 2, 2004, an international agreement was signed between the
management of the German Auto and Engineering Society, the European
Company Committee of the company, and the International Federation of
Metal Workers (FIOM).
- The "Bosch social responsibility" agreement specifies that
one of the priorities of the company was to "combine the drive
for economic goals with the consideration of social and environmental
factors."
- On April 16, 2004, less than 15 days after the signing of the agreement,
the Portuguese workers in d'Aibrantes- Alferrarede site struck to denounce
"the persecution of the workers and the union representatives as
well as the absence of information concerning the future of each worker."
- In July, 2006, the press announced "that Bosch could cut 1,400
jobs by 2010 in Germany. Negotiations have begun between the management
and the enterprise committee to limit the job cuts."
3/ H&M
- On January 14, 2004, the Swiss housing corporation Heenes and Mauritz
signed a world agreement with the Union Network International (UNI).
This agreement guarantees the respect of the fundamental rights of labor
throughout everywhere the company is situated.
- In July 2006, the Danish 3F trade union criticized the Swiss company
for the very low wages paid to the workers in a Cambodian factory which
works for the company. The trade union, after visiting the factory,
denounced a cut in wages.
4/ Peugeot-Citroën PSA
This big French Auto company also signed an agreement on corporate
social responsibility.
- On April 18, 2006, the French company announced in 2007 the closing
of a Ryton factor in the center of England. In the wake of the announcement,
the Slovak government decided to free up more than 53 Euros for the
PSA group so that it could raise its production in the Trnaca site.
In England, a trade union leader in transport declared: "When they
tell people that work well for years that they no longer need them,
they are shocked." They responded: "Of course it is much cheaper
to produce cars in Slovakia and in the rest of Eastern Europe."
- On October 11, 2006, the management of the PSA company announced
its decision to close its Ryton factory in Great Britain six months
earlier than foreseen. Soon after this announcement, the TGWU trade
union accused Peugeot of "insensible cynicism."
These are just a few facts taken from four examples of corporations
that had signed CSR agreements.
***********************
DISCUSSION ON THE ITUC
It must be noted that many trade unionists throughout the world did
not receive the preparatory documents of the ITUC congress and that
no discussion took place in most trade unions concerning the Vienna
Congress.
The ILC, in its way, felt that it was necessary to nourish discussion
inside the workers' movement about the threat represented by this fusion
congress.
The ILC seeks to use this newsletter to allow everybody to make up
their minds. Through these documents and contributions we intend to
continue the discussion.
We open these pages to the trade unionists of the world. This is an
indispensable discussion for the future of the workers' movement and
for the preservation of trade union organizations.
-----
BANGLADESH
A textile factory collapses: "Codes of Conduct" and the corporation
are to blame.
On April 12, 2005, at one in the morning in a suburb of Dacca, the
capital of Bangladesh, a nine-story building collapsed like a house
of cards. In this building, there was a textile factory. Hundreds of
workers were working at that late hour. We interviewed Tafazzul Hussein,
then president of the National Federation of Workers of Bangladesh and
now recently deceased.
ILC International Newsletter: One month after the catastrophe, the
media in Bangladesh report that 73 bodies have been recovered from the
remnants of the factory. Is this accurate?
Tafazzul Hussain: Tragically, the human cost resulting from the events
of that night is much heavier. Not only are there many people with serious
injuries who are handicapped for life, not only have at least 20 workers
died in the hospital, but there are dozens, if not a hundred, of disappeared.
At the moment when the building collapsed, there were 470 workers inside.
The fact that a large number of bodies have still not been found a month
later points to one of the causes of the catastrophe: the building was
built on swampy ground, which has swallowed up the debris and the bodies.
The landlord and the government blame each other for the responsibility
concerning the construction permits. In any case, one thing is certain:
the laws of Bangladesh were not being respected. There is a Factory
Act, in place since 1940, which establishes the guidelines and conditions
for building a factory: It was ignored.
IN: Was this an isolated incident?
T.H.: No. The working and safety conditions in the textile industry
are frightening. Fatal accident follows fatal accident. Recently, in
March, a textile factory caught fire: 50 workers were burned alive.
That said, it is a unique case, due to the number of deaths and the
systematic manner in which they flaunted the labor laws of Bangladesh,
the conventions and norms of the ILO, and the direct responsibilities
of the multinationals. The following example tragically illustrates
the consequences of "adapting to the necessities of the market
competition," and looking to always find the cheapest cost of labor.
Since January 1st, 1,900 factories have closed, causing unemployment
for thousands in thousands, the majority of whom are women.
IN: You mentioned the responsibilities of the multinationals
T.H.: Yes, the main clients of Spectrum Sweater are Zara, Carrefour,
Karstadt, Quelle and Cotton Group. These companies send their orders
there because the selling prices are low; the prices are low because
the wages paid are not event close to minimum wage and because the safety
norms are ignored.
IN: Can you be more specific?
T.H.: The minimum wage in Bangladesh - which is scandalously low and
which hasn't been raised since 1995 - is 930 takas. The wages paid were
700 takas, which is around 10 Euros.
The laws of Bangladesh require one day of rest per week. The employees
of Spectrum Sweater worked seven days a week. One of the victims was
a fifteen-year-old boy who had just gotten hired. He had not even received
his first paycheck.
Three months earlier, a worker was electrocuted when his clothes got
stuck in the electrical wires. Neither the norms of the ILO nor the
labor laws of Bangladesh were respected.
IN: What are the demands of the workers?
T.H.: The immediate demands are for the punishment of those responsible,
and that all of those responsible be tried: the landlord, the government
officials, the officials from the multinationals.
Another demand is the immediate payment of indemnities. Of course,
nothing can compensate for a death. But at the very least the bosses
responsible for this tragedy should ensure that the stricken families
have the means to survive. For the moment, the owner of Spectrum has
announced the payment of 30,000 dollars total - this is a complete insult.
This means only 100 dollars per family! At least twenty times this is
necessary for a family to be able to deal with this tragedy.
But the main demand of the workers of the factory and of the unions
is that this tragedy is never repeated! This demand directly concerns
thousands of textile workers throughout Bangladesh; indeed, it effects
all Bangladeshi workers. This demand poses the question the question
of safety and security.
IN: What actions are being taken?
T.H.: My union is going to register a complaint with the ILO. We will
demonstrate that numerous ILO norms and conventions were flaunted, for
example, convention 81 concerning workplace inspections, convention
155 concerning the health and safety of workers, convention 134 concerning
the prevention of major industrial accidents, etc. This is, for us,
the point of departure for a campaign in Bangladesh and on an international
scale that can fight back against the death machine of unlimited exploitation.
--------------------
UNITED STATES
For Andy Stern, "The class struggle mentality is a thing of the
past": A contribution from Alan Benjamin, an AFL-CIO trade unionist
in San Francisco, Calif.
ILC: In August 2005, there was a major split in the U.S. trade union
movement. A large sector left the AFL-CIO to form Change to Win. Can
you tell us about this split ?
Alan Benjamin: Eighteen months ago, Andy Stern, president of the Service
Employees International Union (SEIU), led a split that took six unions
out of the AFL-CIO. This split affected about 40% of the active trade
union movement in the United States.
At the time, many union activists thought this was a progressive development.
After all, Stern was talking about organizing new members and re-invigorating
the trade union movement. He even went so far as to criticize the AFL-CIO
for its reliance on the Democratic Party to advance workers' interests.
Many of us in the trade union movement, however, were far more suspicious
of Stern's real aims. Behind all the rhetoric about "increasing
union density" and organizing new members, Stern was putting forward
a new kind of trade unionism. The labor movement was slow to understand
exactly what Stern was up to. In fact, the business press was far more
astute and understood from the beginning that Stern's overall objective
was to transform the trade unions into docile instruments through new
"partnerships" with the employers.
Stern has written a new book titled "A Country That Works: Getting
American Back On Track". In it, he explains in his own words the
real reasons behind the split in the AFL-CIO:
"The break [in the AFL-CIO] was necessary because of the failure
on the part of the AFL-CIO to modernize its strategic approaches to
employers in order to take into account their competitive business needs.
Unions are overdue for substantial change. They need to find ways
to persuade business leaders to work in partnership with them."
Stern continues:
"The labor movement should play a catalytic role in pushing through
the economic and political reforms that are needed to contend with the
challenges of globalization, reforms that will benefit workers, business
and entire communities.
"Like most traditional labor leaders, I had been trained to be
distrustful of and antagonistic with 'the boss,' and I brought that
attitude toward the relationship. The distrust can be rightfully earned,
but this class-struggle mentality was a vestige of an earlier, rough
era of industrial unions, and our new service-sector union had adopted
it without much strategic examination.
"Understanding the many issues confronting our employers ---rising
benefit costs, outsourcing, globalization, decreased public funding
for their services, non-union competitors with lower costs and more
flexibility ---gave us insight into how to enhance each individual employer's
competitiveness.
"A working relationship that can add value to the business can
result in workers sharing fairly in the employers' success. Disappointingly,
only a few employers have shifted from their 'unions are the problem'
mentality. Asking our employers to make the choice of cooperation or
confrontation is a dramatic paradigm shift. We have reinvented ourselves,
but it takes two to tango."
Countless articles in the business press have reported on Stern's frenetic
drive to convince corporate America to forge new "partnerships"
with the unions.
On October 5, 2006, for example, Bloomberg News Service ran an article
titled, "Stern's Group Shows Slow Growth a Year After Split With
AFL-CIO." The article reports that, "Service Employees International
Union President Andrew Stern has started talking to Wall Street firms,
including New York-based Goldman Sachs Group Inc. and Boston-based Thomas
H. Lee Partners LP. The talks, Stern says, are devoted to building new
relationships and changing old perceptions.
"'We are trying to say to them that we aren't here to make you
uncompetitive,' Stern said. 'Let's at least have a conversation as opposed
to us just showing up when you are trying to buy a company and beating
the hell out of you and having you think we are a bunch of traditional
union people who want to slow down progress.'"
But could it be, as Stern writes, that these Wall Street speculators
and merger sharks are promoting "progress?" Who in the labor
movement could ever accept this absurd claim -- a claim belied by the
past 25 years of Wall Street-driven corporate downsizing, union-busting,
job destruction, and off-shoring?
What Wall Street has done is fuel the corporate cannibalizing of our
country's industrial base, because that's what happens when they "buy"
company after company. These Wall Street tycoons are the enemy of all
working people. Any U.S. worker can tell you this.
And since when is it the job of the union to help make Wall Street
"competitive?"
Stern doesn't mince words. His clear intent is to "reinvent"
not just SEIU, but the entire trade union movement -- both at home and
abroad.
The unions, however, were forged with one purpose -- to defend workers'
interests against the bosses and all those in their service. They were
not created to build partnerships with the employers. In fact, whenever
such "partnership unions" arose -- and they were called "company
unions" -- sooner or later the workers overcame these new obstacles
and found their way back to basic trade unionism.
Today, the bosses are no different than they were 100 years ago. If
anything, they are even more profit-thirsty and more rapacious. From
Wall Street to Main Street they are hell-bent on lowering their labor
costs. Wherever you look, sweatshop labor, forced labor, child labor,
and union-busting -- just to mention a few of the scourges of this era
of capitalist globalization -- are more and more widespread.
This is not the time to throw in the trade union towel, as Stern proposes.
It's time to act with even greater determination and collective strength
as "a bunch of traditional union people."
ILC: What were the repercussions of the creation of ITUC in the United
States?
AB: The fact is there was no information at all, at any level of the
U.S. trade union movement about the upcoming merger between the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the World Confederation
of Labor (WCL). The only information U.S. trade unionists were able
to obtain on this merger and therefore on the formation of the new International
Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), was through the weekly newsletter
of the International Liaison Committee. But otherwise there was not
a single article in the labor press about this major development in
the international trade union movement.
The only thing that appeared was after the ITUC's founding Congress
in Vienna on Nov. 1, 2006. The AFL-CIO posted to its website a glowing
article that hailed the creation of this new federation, and they congratulated
Australian leader Sharon Burrows for becoming the new president of the
ITUC. As we speak, I have not yet seen Change to Win post anything on
this founding congress, though it is quite clear that the SEIU and Change
to Win unions are equally, if not more, supportive of the new ITUC.
In fact, when you look at the bylaws and objectives of the ITUC, you
could almost say they were taken directly from Andy Stern's new book.
So unfortunately, this merger went through without any real discussion
in our trade unions. It will now be the task of people who have worked
closely with the ILC to educate and open a discussion in our unions
about the dire consequences to our labor movement that are posed by
this new ITUC.
And I think we are bound to get a good hearing for our point of view.
Already there is widespread opposition within the SEIU and the Change
to Win unions to Andy Stern's new partnership course. Union members
are already seeing the ITUC in action when they see Stern promote his
partnership agenda in relation to immigration "reform" or
healtchare "reform."
ILC: What is the relationship between Global Unions and the new International
Trade Union Confederation?
AB: There is a direct relationship. In August 2005, just one month
after the split in the AFL-CIO, the largest "Global Union"
federation, Union Network International (UNI), met in Chicago for its
international Congress. Under the banner "Imagine a Global Union",
UNI delegates voted to embrace the concept of partnership with the global
corporations that Andy Stern today is promoting so widely. In fact,
it is no surprise that Andy Stern in his new book is so full of praise
for UNI and the so-called "Global Unions."
These "Global Unions," in my opinion, are going to be called
upon to function as the pillars of the ITUC. They will be used to dismantle
existing unions and union federations. Their agenda is the same one:
They call for a "global social responsibility" and "responsible
competitiveness of the corporations". So in my view you will have
the top down structures of the ITUC resting on the industry-sector groupings
known as the "Global Unions."
It is important, as I see it, that as we discuss the dangers inherent
in the ITUC, we continually pay attention to the "Global Unions"
and how they will be utilized by ITUC to undermine national trade unions.
-----
PERU
The Congress of the CGTP voted against joining the ITUC
Interview with Erwin Salazar, CGTP leader
ILC: The CGTP decided several months ago to not take a position on
joining the ITUC. Nevertheless, at the ITUC congress, the leaders of
the CGTP believed the affiliation of the CGTP was a given. The CGTP
just held its congress, after the founding of the ITUC in Vienna in
November. What happened?
ES: From the start, there was resistance from the ranks against joining
the ITUC. Our congress voted on a resolution in defense of class independence
and against collaboration with the international institutions. This
took place while representatives of the CCOO of Spain and the CGT of
France were present. The congress did not agree to join the ITUC. This
discussion was the more controversial point of the congress. The vote
against joining won 208 to 159. It was a big victory.
Today, what is needed is the unity of all the members of our organization
against the privatization offensive begun by the government. To give
you an idea of the depth of the need to preserve our CGTP, 50% of Peruvians
live under the poverty line.
The implementation -- by the Fujimori, then Toledo governments -- of
privatization policies and the brutal payment of the foreign debt has
thrown the population to the edge of misery. The majority of Peruvians
are hungry. The "reforms" of the state have thrown thousands
of workers to the streets and created a situation of social convulsion.
On September 20, a national mobilization took place against the Free
Trade Agreement and privatizations. On November 15, a second wave of
mobilizations began. Theses protests were begun by the professors and
health care workers against the privatization of education and health
care.
-----
FRANCE
In France, four organizations joined the ITUC: The CGT-FO, which was
a founding member of the ICFTU; the CGT, a long-time member of the WFTU,
whose leader Bernard Thibaut constituted a Liaison Committee with the
goal of having the non-affiliated organizations join the ITUC; and two
organizations linked to Christian unionism: the CFDT and the CFTC.
We are publishing elements of the discussion in the CGT and in the
CGT-FO.
The National Confederate Committee (CCN) of the CGT-FO is the organ
bringing together the leaders of the federations. In its resolution
on November 24, its resolution affirms:
"In celebrating the hundred-year anniversary of the Charte d'Amiens,
the CCN of the CGT-Force Ouvrière, meeting in Amiens on October
5 and 6, 2006, repeats its complete loyalty to the principle and practice
of trade union independence, to which the CGT-FO adds the principle
of secularism.
The CGT-Force Ouvrière will continue with conviction and determination
its actions on a national, European, and international level, for the
trade union movement to work for the ideal of the emancipation of the
workers and the struggle for Bread, Peace, and Freedom.
Taking into account the evolution underway on an international level,
particularly the decision of the ICFTU to found the ITUC, the CCN reaffirms
its principles announced concerning joining the ETUC.
Loyal to trade union independence and federalism, the CCN reaffirms
that the CGT-Force Ouvrière will not subordinate itself to decisions
taken outside its structures and, consequently, its will conserve its
full liberty of action.
Conscious of the long history of undermining these principles in order
to adapt trade unionism to the demands of a capitalism that is supposed
to be unsurpassable, the CCN declares that trade union independence
is inalienable, the essence of democracy, and the only guarantee of
the material and moral interests of the wage workers."
-----
"Doesn't democracy demand an extraordinary congress of the CGT?"
In France, militants and leaders throughout the CGT grouped around
a Newsletter, "Isn't the CGT in danger?" Over 600 activists
came together to discuss this question.
Following the vote of the National Confederate Committee (CCN) of the
CGT in favor of immediately joining the ITUC, the heads of the bulletin,
in a press release, asked: "Doesn't democracy demand an extraordinary
congress?" While the decision to join at the Vienna Congress was
taken, "The representatives of the following organizations voted
against it: the chemical, agro-food, and VRP federations and the Departmental
Union of Indre and Loir-et-Cher. The representatives of the Bois and
Bureaux d'étude federations, and the Departmental Unions of Cantal,
Loiret, Meuse, and Vienne voted abstained. But what does this vote demonstrate?
Let us recall that the draft program and statues of the ITUC were
only sent to the members of the CCN on August 30, 2006. Most trade unions
never received them and even for those that received them, the time
of less than a month was not sufficient to allow the structures and
trade unions and members to discuss and set an opinion on such an important
question, which will affect the future of the CGT."
They underline, using examples, that certain Departmental Unions and
Federations didn't even discuss or vote. Other voted without anybody
having read the texts. Concerning the bodies that did discuss, numerous
examples demonstrate that "when discussions did take place, the
concerns were shared." The press release continues: "Some
trade unions did discuss and take positions. But, in light of the facts
mentioned above, can one say that the CCN vote represent the position
of the trade unions and members? Why such a rushed vote? Why not proceed
like the CGT of Peru, which decided to have a congress before deciding
to join? The CGT of Portugal made the same decision. In any case,
it is the congress that must decide whether or not to join the ITUC.
This is our tradition of class and mass trade unionism and in conformity
with the rules of democracy and federalism."
-----
Jean-Christophe Le Duigou's Contribution
Beginning in June 2004, a discussion began between the leadership of
the ICFTU, the WCL, and the leadership of the French CGT. In November
of the same year, the CGT headed up a "Contact Group" bringing
together a dozen non-affiliated trade union organizations.
Presenting its different phases, Bernard Thibaut, the General Secretary
of the CGT, explained before the congress: "The CGT has been an
active participant in the construction of the future of trade unionism
Our points of view have largely been heeded in the proposed statutes.
Thus, the texts proposed to all trade unions of the world are a common
labor. The principles and objectives of the future organization are
totally in conformity with our conception of trade unionism. We also
affirm our will to eventually assume responsibilities in the structures
of the organization." (Le Peuple 1636,October 11,2006.)
Jean-Christophe Le Duigou, one of the main leaders with Thibault, published
a few months before the last confederate congress of the CGT -- outside
all the structures of the CGT -- a programme in which he aims "after
the collapse of the socialist countries" to define "a new
perspective for social and individual emancipation" which "supposed
a new control of internationalized capital."
In the framework of the new international situation opened in 1991
with the collapse of the USSR, an offensive developed aiming to deny
the existence of classes in society. The World Bank and the IMF put
forward the concept of "civil society" in which all classes
of society belong and where political representatives and trade unions
of the working class should disappear.
It is in this context that Jean-Christophe Le Duigou affirms that "the
exploitation of labor doesn't explain all of society's problems."
He declares that "the workers should constructively contribute
to the management of the enterprise" and requests that "numerous
trade unions fear that the union be 'integrated' and prefer only social
protest and pressure on outside political powers."
Nevertheless, it is necessary to reaffirm that the workers' movement
was constituted in the hard struggle against exploitation, to defend
the value of the labor power of the workers, and to win rights, guarantees,
and social laws. Should it integrate itself into the governance of the
enterprise, the new name of labor-capital co-operation?
It is in this context, that he continues, arguing that trade unions
should participate "In the multinational corporations, where the
concrete decisions on production, finances, and social rights are decided,
and in the framework of the regional commercial and institutional entities
(European Union, FTAA, MERSOSUR). Each has its specificities, but they
can be spaces in which a control of exchanges and restructuring of productive
services can take place."
The EU and FTAA are presented as a "space for the restructuring
of productive services" and, in this framework, it is logical that
he propose the ETUC integrate into the EU and the CCSCS into Mercosur.
He argues that trade unions must work "with the associations and
NGOs, without any preconditions on a continental and global level."
This question of NGOs was at the center of the Vienna congress. Le Duigou
logically concludes: "The trade union project must identify with
these new conquests, in the framework of a market economy that is being
transformed. We know the market. We are looking to orient, control,
and transform it. We are not for abolishing it, like it was done in
the Soviet experience! To the contrary, we would like to conquer a
'market economy' with its rules, institutions, guarantees, and develop
research, education, health care, and culture. Of course, some still
dream of a 'global abolition of the market economy' rather than its
transformation."
So one of the leaders of the CGT, a strong partisan of the ITUC, explicitly
denounces the founding bases of the workers' movement in every country
and on an international level: the struggle to end capitalist exploitation.
Correspondant
-----
16th ILC Geneva Conference
The discussion will continue at the 16th Geneva Conference of the ILC,
Saturday June 9, 2007: "After the founding of the ITUC, discussion
is indispensable to preserve the trade union movement."
The International Liaison of Workers and Peoples was constituted in
January 1991, on the eve of the first war in Iraq organized by U.S.
imperialism. During its founding congress is adopted a "Manifesto
against war and exploitation."
It has always affirmed that it doesn't intend to compete with any organization
of the workers' movement. Since the world conference in Madrid in March
2005 and the Geneva Conference In Defense of the ILO Conventions and
the Independence of Trade Unions, the ILC decided that it intended to
contribute to the discussion.
The founding congress of the ITUC, as all can judge on the basis of
the documents published in this bulletin, touches on the very foundations
of democracy, which presupposes the recognition of the existence of
classes with antagonistic interests and the existence of trade union
organizations that defend the specific interests of the workers.
In the name of world governance, the new form of labor-capital cooperation,
and the "necessary adaptation to globalization," the very
foundations of the trade union movement, born at the end of the 19th
Century, are being threatened.
In light of the published texts, we must note that the ITUC was founded
without a preliminary discuss in most trade union confederations.
That is why the ILC feels that it is necessary to publish this special
issue of the ILC International Newsletter: "After the founding
congress of the ITUC, a discussion is indispensable to preserve the
trade union movement."
This discuss is indispensable and necessary in all the organizations
of the workers movement and on an international scale after the founding
of the ITUC, because it touches on essential questions of democracy
and the very existence of an independent workers' movement.
We intend to open our pages every week to all those, with a diversity
of origins and points of view, who would like to contribute.
The 16th Conference In Defense of the ILO Conventions and Trade Union
Independence, which will take place in Geneva on June 9, 2007, will
have a particular importance concerning the discussion of the future
of the workers' movement after the founding of the ITUC. We invite you
to send us your reflections and suggestions.
Contact:
Entente internationale des travailleurs et des peoples
87, rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis -75010 Paris - France
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16th ILC Geneva Conference: June 9, 2007
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