|
|
A dossier of weekly information published by the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples August 28, 2007 Issue 250 ----- Introduction: Algeria: On July 29, 2007, in response to the demand of the activists of the Workers Party, the Central Committee decided to organize a commemoration of the 17th anniversary of the Workers Party. Coming from all the Wilayas, the 637 participants, self-financed by the sections of the party, incarnated the continuity of the struggle, generation after generation. They listened closely to the speech explaining the long political path allowing today for the existence of a party implanted in all the Wilayas and rooted in all the laboring and popular sectors and in the youth.
Russia: We are publishing the strike bulletin of the Avtovaz workers. Support the ILC! Send us your documents and correspondence. Subscribe to the ILC International newsletter. ----- Table of Contents p.1: Introduction ----- Contact Informations internationales *************************
Fraternity! Newspaper of the Workers Party 17th Anniversary of the Workers Party, July 2007 Long live the Workers Party! On July 29, 2007, in response to the demand of the activists of the party, the Central Committee decided to organize a commemoration of the 17th anniversary of the Workers Party. Coming from all the Wilayas, the 637 participants, self-financed by the sections of the party, incarnated the continuity of the struggle, generation after generation. They listened closely to the speech explaining the long political path allowing today for the existence of a party implanted in all the Wilayas and rooted in all the laboring and popular sectors and in the youth. Loyally they all affirmed this by paying homage to those, like Mustapha Benmohamed, who paid the necessary sacrifices for Algerians, in a growing number, to take up the program of the party. The event included the participation of the Secretary General of the UGTA. In a very sincere and fraternal speech, Abdelmadjid Sidi Saïd, underlined the important progress of the union and its dedication to multipartyism, the strengthening of the links between the UGTA and the Workers Party, at the service of the interests of the workers and peace and national unity and sovereignty. In this framework, the importance of the International Conference in Solidarity with the Working Women of Nazareth was recalled. This conference was co-organized by the Workers Party and Dialogue Review in December 2006, in which Sidi Said fully participated. Also highlighted were the actions Brother Sidi Said took in the International Labor Bureau for the right to union organization for the Palestinian workers who live in the 1948 borders. Sidi Said saluted the perseverance of the party and declared that the Workers Party is a factor of hope for the workers. Concerning the union level -- and recognizing that concerning privatizations, the leadership of the UGTA and the Workers Party have sometimes disagreed --- he called on the activists present, most of whom were trade unionists, to fully participate in the struggle for unionization in the private sector, to strengthen the UGTA, and to win social and workers' rights. While the participants at the conference met him with a very warm support, we feel the need to repeat to Abdelmadjid Sidi Saïd our determination to unceasingly defend the unity of the workers and the organization that materializes it, the UGTA. After the solemn opening of the event and the speech of the General Secretary of the UGTA, 16 activists of different generations and regions testified concerning the reasons they decided to join the party, in relation to the political questions and the aspirations of struggles. Next, the General Secretary of the PT, Louisa Hanoune, presented a partial context of the historical developments of the struggles and actions of the Workers Party, the turning points since its founding, illustrating its uninterrupted defense of the workers and the nation, putting at the center the reestablishment of peace, national sovereignty, and democracy. Next, as the closing, the General Secretary spoke of the relevancy of the party's program, which is concentrate in the question of the election of a sovereign constituent assembly, the expression of popular sovereignty and guarantor of national sovereignty. This political perspective was at the center of the founding program of the Workers Party, to establish democracy and defend the nation against globalization. She explained that this did not mean calling for the dissolution of the National Parliament -- which would create a vacancy of power, which could be used toward destabilizing the country and toward allowing for foreign intervention. This means a discussion on this goal, in the light of lessons of the May 17 poll. The participants -- despite fatigue (only those of the far south traveled by plane) -- expressed their desire for these questions to be developed more.
We are publishing excerpts from the preparatory appeal to the founding congress of the Workers Party and the documents that were adopted, as well as a few testimonies. ------ Document Why a Workers Party? (Excerpts from the report presented by Louisa Hanoune) The discussion this morning and afternoon were rich. The founding of the Workers Party is necessary because the Algerian working class has never had a party with a program of its own, based on the defense of its interests and with class boundaries. ... We had had this discussion for a long time. But in February 1989 we advanced on this perspective at a national conference of the cadres of the OST. At this conference, we evaluated the development of the class struggle on a national and international level and concluded that a political turning point in Algeria had taken place in October 1988 and all the world developments confirmed this shift on an international level. .... This political turning point required a political response. That is, the objective situation required a subjective response. The OST, as it was built in 1980, did not respond completely to the demands of the day. The OST allowed us to arrive to where we are presently. It responded, and we may say it did so efficiently, to the demands of the period that preceded October 1988. It was passed over by the situation because of the mass movement that expressed itself in the large growth of our organization and also in relation to the tasks set before us. Our originality was that at a moment when all ... spoke of "national consensus," we said that there cannot be a consensus between the exploited and the exploiters. There cannot be a national pact between those who live under the regime of austerity and those who use this economy to make personal fortunes. Our originality was to say loudly and strongly who was responsible for the generalized catastrophe and to demand the punishment of all those who committed crimes against the people and who stole the goods of people . ... Our originality was our attachment to the unity of the working class of the working class on an international level because the struggle of the oppressed is the same everywhere, in Algeria, France, Europe, Nicaragua, or America. It was for all these reasons that the founding of the Workers Party was more than a necessity. It was a step required to move forward with the definitive emancipation of the working class. Through the vote this morning to found the Workers Party, we took a first step. But there remains much to be done. ... I think that we will advance also on an international level through the construction of a real international of workers and peoples against imperialism, which itself is organized internationally through its institutions, such as the IMF, the World Bank, the Common Market. etc. ... Concerning the program The comrades raised the point that the charter should not be an obscure program, but a political tool understandable by the large masses and which puts forward the daily problems of the working class. I think we have everything to gain by elaborating this charter. One of the tasks of the newly elected leadership should be the elaboration of a platform that will be discussed in the party, enriched, and adopted by the next congress. And the statutes There is also the problem of statutes: In this discussion we said we needed to adapt the organization to the political situation and the membership of our organization. For that, we founded the Workers Party Š Thus, the statutes of the OST must be adapted to the Workers Party. It is not a question of changing our mode of functioning; while maintaining democratic centralism, we should make precisions and additions to not block the development of our party. Here too, the leadership that we will elect should elaborate a draft of the statutes, which after discussion should be adopted at the next congress, which in my opinion should take place in about 6 months. The statutes of a Workers Party like our own, should clearly and simply express the structure of the party to allow for the free association of activists who respect the program. Š The Newspaper The comrades noted the problem of the regular publication of the newspaper. Here again, we must make much effort. The newspaper must come out regularly. Š In brief, it is a newspaper that is a partisan in the class struggle. Š If we want to build the Workers Party, it is necessary to have the regular publication of the Workers Party. We can keep the name Workers Tribune or we can give it another name. Its regular publication is the responsibility of the leadership, but also of the whole party and its sections. It is necessary that the sections become the centers for the writing and distribution of the paper. They should regularly discuss its content, send contributions, and centralize their interventions through the newspaper. It is only through this can we can create a newspaper of the class struggle. It is also necessary to choose in each region, Wilaya, daira, etc. correspondents for Workers Tribune; we should begin to think now of creating a national network of distribution so that it can arrive without delay to all." ----- Document Appeal Adopted by the Delegates and Participants to the Founding Congress of the Workers Party ŠWith its origins in the Socialist Workers Organization (OST), the Workers Party fights unconditionally for the calling of a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, elected by direct and secret universal suffrage, a Sovereign Constituent Assembly elected by each free citizen. Democracy means free choice; there cannot be democracy without a pluralism of parties, each which defines to the people their objectives and programs. The Workers Party is for: - Decent wages, for a rise in wages, a sliding wage scale, the right to employment, and the return to a 40 hour work week;
- A rise in pensions, family benefits, and the indemnity of a set wage; - Trade unions that are free and independent of the state, political parties, and any pressure group. There cannot be democracy when the government is subordinate to imperialism; - The foreign debt has risen to $27 billion dollars. A democratic demand: the non-payment of this foreign debt, a rupture with the IMF plans, with the World Bank and the European Common Market. For the Workers Party, a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, a democratic institution, means providing: - Land to the peasants; the land for those who work it; free state aid; the free organization of peasants. - The right to housing, water, health care, and education; - The judging of those responsible for the economic crisis, the sell-off of the people's wealth and the crimes against the people; - The defense of state property and the natural resources of the country; Freedom of the press, parties, unions, and assembly; The unconditional right to strike; The separation of church and state; no state intervention in religious affairs; Equal rights for women and men; - Recognition of the Tamazight language and culture as a national culture and language. Based on the urgent need to help the people to win democracy, the Workers Party takes the initiative to call on the Algerian people and the youth to build popular committees for the calling of a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, the only means to establish democracy, satisfy the legitimate demands of the workers, the youth, and all the people. The Workers Party launches a solemn appeal to all the parties, unions, and leaders to work together to help the immense majority take control of its own destiny. Workers, peasants, activists, youth, brothers and sisters, the first, founding congress of the Workers Party submits this you. The Workers Party proposes to you to build Popular Committees for Unity, for the Calling of a Sovereign Constituent Assembly. Take the initiative yourselves. Organize. Discuss. Register your demands. This is what the Workers Party proposes. For the unity of the workers and the organizations, let us struggle together. June 28 and 29, 1990. Appeal unanimously approved. ******************
The French "aide" after the hurricane: 18 cents per citizen! One week ago, the hurricane Dean devastated Martinique, Guadeloupe, and a whole sector of the Caribbean. Our correspondents in Martinique have sent us the reactions from the labor and democratic activists; there is a clear parallel to Hurricane Katrina, which two years ago caused the death of hundreds of citizens of New Orleans, most of whom black, who were chased from their houses and have often not been able to return to their homes. Let us recall that in a few days, the International Tribunal on Katrina in New Orleans (USA) will take place to judge those responsible for the human tragedy that followed Katrina, which was not "natural" at all. The organizers of the tribunal sent a solidarity message. Ducos, Trinité, Diamant, Rivière-Pilote, Le François, Saint-Esprit, Le RobertŠ, the list of towns ravaged by the cyclone Dean, which hit Martinique, Guadeloupe, Santo Domingo, Santo-Lucia, and whole part of the Caribbean. The communes of the center and the south of the island were the most affected. In Francois, according to the estimates of the mayor, more than 450 houses were totally or partially damaged. The same thing was reproduced in dozens of other villages. More than one banana plantation is not upright. According to one small producer, "banana production is stopped for at least six months." "Seeing your work of a whole life destroyed, that is hard," declares another small producer who saw his land devastated. "Moreover, using the pretext that the hurricane did not hit everywhere with the same force, the insurance companies declare that 'they are not covered by the framework of the texts to classify a natural catastrophe over all Martinique.' All of a sudden, if you live in one town and not another, you will be less covered." The Prime Minister, François Fillon, went to Martinique, with the graces of the media, announced "aid from France." What aid? A correspondent writes, "each catastrophe is the opportunity for the French state to demonstrate its 'generosity' for its ocean 'departments.'" The official expression is "national solidarity." The Hurricane Dean and its chain of devastations resulted in the continuation of this "carnival of compassion." The humiliation is not only in the manner that aid is presented, but also in the sum; the mayors of Martinique received 75,000 Euros. That is 2,205 Euros per commune (that is, the monthly wage of a beginning teacher)! In relation to our roughly 400,000 citizens this is 18 cents per citizen. 115 million Euros were promised for "our" bananas, but 80% fell directly into the hands of the big béké landowners (French colonists that continue to control most of the best land of the island). One of these big planters, an owner of one of the most important fields in Martinique, which employs more than a hundred agricultural workers, warned that "only a fourth of the agricultural workers will remain with work in the coming months." Hundreds of families, who survive off bananas, are today in the streets. A correspondent explains that "for three days, the local media did not cease to repeat the phrase: 'Hurricane Dean will very possibly pass between Martinique and Guadeloupe.' This was repeated again and again, as if between the islands nothing is located. Once the hurricane passed there wasn't a single television or radio report about our sister islands (Dominique and Sainte-Lucie). NO human balance sheet! As I write this (one week after the passage of the hurricane) I still do not know if any bananas are left, if houses remain in tact. Absolutely no information! Nevertheless, when we take up the famous phrase in the light of the fact that Martinique was seriously hit and Guadeloupe rather seriously hit (the former lost 100% of its banana production and the latter 80%) we have the right to deduce that in between the two islands the damage is serious." Katrina. Dean. Hurricanes are "natural" but the ravages that they cause are not. ----- Solidarity Message from Kali Akuno, one of the main organizers of the International Tribunal on Katrina In the name of the PHRF and the organizing committee of the International Tribunal on Katrina I send you this brief solidarity message. We just learned of the serious damage caused yesterday in Martinique by Hurricane Dean. We are by your side in these difficult moments and we hope that the members of the Katrina committee, as well as their families, have not been too seriously affected. Please send our solidarity to the courageous and combative people of Martinique and keep us informed of the situation. We will see each other soon in New Orleans. In unity and struggle. ------ Interview with Garcin Malsa, the mayor and general councilor of the town of Sainte-Anne: "More than 70 houses destroyed in Sainte-Anne. All the food and market-gardening markets are lost." Question: How did the municipality faced the announced catastrophe? GM: Ever since the announcement of Hurricane Dean, we in Sainte-Anne were on the alert because we know about hurricanes in general and about the damage cause by Katrina and global warming, which provokes hurricanes and other natural disasters. Maximum precautions were thus taken: we opened the channels to allow the water to pass through, we made sure the roofs of the houses were fine, we pruned the trees around houses, and we hermetically sealed the homes and we prevented leaving once the red alert was given. After the Hurricane, we did everything possible regroup the families and not separate them. We did everything to keep them here. (Some families) were regrouped in public or private houses that we requisitioned. The spirit of solidarity prevailed from the start and we aimed to strengthen it. We did this by going to the people, not with empty hands and pretty words, but with concrete help, such as administrative help, electric generators, covers, and concrete proposals to re-organize the neighborhoods. Question: What was the extent of the damage? GM: On the human level, thankfully, there were not heavy losses. But there were three deaths, including one indirect victim of the hurricane. On the material level, the damage was catastrophic. All the crops were lost. There are no bananas in Saint-Anne. Over 3,500 houses were lost in Martinique. The drama has just begun. Question: Is there a particular message you would like to transmit to our brothers in New Orleans and the participants in the Tribunal? GM: The Black people of New Orleans should continue to re-organize. That is a way to help us to re-organize. We follow and will continue to follow their struggle. *************************
National Coordination for the Construction of a Party for a Working Class: "The emancipation of the working-class will be the work of the workers themselves" Declaration We salute the decision of the CGTP to not enter into the trap of a "Social Pact" and to continue to defend the nation against the Free Trade Agreement (TLC)! The government of Alan Garcia is incapable of satisfying the demands because he does not respond to the interests of the nation! For a National Popular Assembly and a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, with full powers to defend national sovereignty and national demands! 1) Because the CGTP is opposed to the TLC and, most of all, because it opened the path to the popular uprising of July 11 and 12, an uprising that rejected the TLC and all the pro-imperialist policies, the Alan Garcia government has aimed all its fire against the CGTP, calling this act "betrayal against the country." The opposite is true. It is the Alan Garcia government that betrayed the will of the electors who supported him because he promised to change the situation of the people. But who really governs the country? It is the multinational corporations, the IMF, the World Bank, the U.S. government, the bosses of the CONFIEP who need the TLC - these are the forces that government through the intermediary of Alan Garcia. The country needs another government, one that defends national sovereignty and which responds to the interests of the nation! 2) That is why even though the CGTP, the CNA and CCP, and all the workers said NO to the TLC on July 11 and 12, the government acts in the opposite manner. The workers and people have demanded a change in orientation in order to eliminate poverty - but the government does the opposite. The workers demanded the respect for human rights, a hike in wages and pensions equivalent to 1,500 soles - and the government mocks us by offering a rise to 30 soles. The government also refused to abrogate the anti-worker laws, such as 728 and refused to annul without exception all the lay-offs; it has refused to revise the humiliating contracts with the multinationals, let alone to nationalize and renationalize the natural resources and the privatized enterprises, as has been done in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. 3) All the democratic and trade union organizations, the regional presidents and mayors demand the abrogation of DL 982 which penalizes all the authorities who demand a solution for their people and exempts the armed forces and police from prosecution. The government responds that it "will not take a step backwards." Lastly, the whole country heard that the government ratified the application for the Letter of Intention of the IMF and the World Bank with the signing of the TLC - more privatizations, more payment of the debt, and the acceleration of regionalization. That is, more poverty, unemployment, miserable wages, agricultural destruction. For what reason should the government remain in power? There is none! 4) To tie up the union and people's leaders in the implementation of the policies of the IMF and in the face of the failure of the National Agreement, a "Social Pact" was put forward. This is a trap to distract, a "buffer" against social protests. How can there be a social pact when the workers are shot, as allowed for by DL 982? The only Social Pact is a Sovereign Constituent Assembly, which united the representatives of the workers, the peasants, the national majority; which takes all power and sovereignly decides the measures necessary to take the country out of the crisis. This is a social pact that the Alan Garcia government refuses to implement. 5) That is why we greet the calling of a 2nd National Assembly of Delegates of the CGTP on August 25. The conference call correctly states that the "government aims to distract the population with conciliatory proposals such as the 'social pact', while ignoring the social and popular demands" and which affirms that "we the workers are not in favor of any truce and we reaffirm our will to deepen the 'historic anger' to succeed in changing the economic, social, and political model." 6) The National Coordination for the Construction of a Party of the Working Class says: This is true! The national majority which erupted on the political scene on July 11 and 12 decided to end the political regime of Alan Garcia, without truces or pacts with the bosses, the CONFIEP, and the representatives of the imperialist companies, who only want to destroy our country and all our class organizations. 7) In expressing this will to take their destinies into their own hands, the workers and the people have created organisms of mass self-organization: their defense fronts and Popular Assemblies, instruments of their own power, which should be generalized throughout the country and centralized in a National Popular Assembly, which would have the force to organize a Sovereign Constituent Assembly that would take all powers to defend national sovereignty, satisfy all the demands raised on July 11 and 12, and end the anti-national regime of Alan Garcia. 8) To this end, the National Assembly of the CGTP on August 25 should support the decision of the National Leadership to remain outside the trap of the Social Pact, should call for a national strike, a national united struggle coordination, and call for the organization of popular assemblies throughout the country and for their centralization in a National Popular Assembly. 9) We are in solidarity with the strike of the Medicine Federation on August 15, 16, and 17, the strike of the police, the FENDUP march on August 22, and with the Loreto Patriotic Front which rejects the privatization of the ports. We greet the freeing of Rony Cueto, General Secretary of the Mineworkers Union of Shougand, and Alejandro Tomas, from the same union, and we call on the CGTP and the Mineworkers Federation to defend them against new prison time. Lima, August 11, 2007 ***************************
"During the floods, the generals continued to run the process" A Letter from Bangladesh The monsoon this year had catastrophic consequences. A non-definitive balance sheet counts the deaths at 2,000 and the total number of victims is more than 30 million. The most affected countries were India (with 20 million victims) and Bangladesh. The monsoon was a natural phenomenon but its consequences stem from social realties. "It is the poor who suffer the most," writes the International Herald Tribune (August 17) concerning the situation of the Indian peasants in the state of Bihar, one of the most devastated regions. The article recalls that a plan to prevent floods, elaborated in 2004, was not implemented by government for lack of funds. And this same government - which receives the parliamentary support of the left parties - praises the economic progress accomplished in India. In Bangladesh, where more than 50% of the land was flooded, what is the situation of the people? We are publishing below the letter of a correspondent. " For the last four weeks 2/3 of the country is under flood water. Thousands of peoples are being moved from there home to shelter. At this moment the situation is very bad because the people who were getting relief from the government are not getting it because the governments relief funds are getting smaller everyday. But the government is telling to that there relief work is going on as it should be. The political parties are also not helping the flood affected people as they have done in previous floods because of the political situation. On the other hand the price of basic goods are getting higher & higher everyday. At this moment the situation of the country is very bad. As you know the political situation of the country is worse then ever and because of flood the misery of the people is getting more everyday. The worse condition throughout the country has started just few days back when flood disease like diarrhea started. At least 41,989 people contracted diarrhea across the country and fifty died since then and at least 7,658 people were diagnosed. The floods have affected 1.05 crore people in 39 districts with the death count standing at 554 as of August 18. The flood destroyed crops on 7.55 lakh acres of land and damaged crops on 7.62 lakh acres. Around 2,800km of roads were destroyed while, 16,983km of roads were damaged. At least 74km of embankments were completely destroyed and 624km of embankments were damaged. 72 bridges and culverts were destroyed while 850 were damaged. » Let us recall that the current government of Bangladesh, presented as an "intermediary" government, is a result of the coup d'etat perpetrated in January 2007, on the eve of the general elections. Effective power is in the hands of the armed forces. The political parties were "suspended" and all political activity is prohibited.
The strike at the Avtovaz car factory (Togliatti) The Workers' Strike Bulletin The ILC International Newsletter has just received from Russia this "strike bulletin" describing hour by hour the strike that paralyzed the giant Avtovaz factory in Togliatti on August 1st, 2007, which we have reported on in preceding issues. We are also publishing the message from Pavlusko Imsirovic, organizer of the Workers Conference in Cacak (Serbia, October 27 and 28, 2007) and Daniel Gluckstein, the coordinator of the ILC calling for urgent responses to the solidarity appeal with the sanctioned strikers and their union, Edinstvo (Unity). The management of the factory and the media in its pay affirm that there was never a strike on August 1, 2007 in the Avtovaz factory in Togliatti. According to them, a group of 50 to 120 workers refused to go back to work after lunch. And it was for this reason that close to 300 cars came out incomplete from the assembly line? Interesting. Who can actually believe that? Š We are oppressed but patient people. But even patience has its limits. Having received their paychecks of June, the workers of different assembly lines decided to demand a minimum wage of 25,000 rubles a month for all the Avtovaz workers, beginning on August 1, 2007. The sum was not random. This was the number that Russia United (Putin's party) promised in the last elections, to great fanfare. This party's members are in management and the leadership of the ASM union (the union affiliated to the FNPR, the ex-official union). ..The demands of the workers were transmitted to the employer through the intermediary of their strike committee. We note that if the wage raise is not implemented by August 1, we will be forced to resort to strike. July 31: "They are mocking us! IT is time to strike!" --- The response to the demands has not come. Instead, the speculations concern a rise of 500 rubles for a workers and 10,000 for a director. The reaction of the workers: "They are mocking us! It is time to strike!" I was at the 45/2 assembly line on July 20 and proposed to the workers who are not satisfied with their wages and who are ready to strike to win a raise and that we meet the next day during break. On July 31, in the dining room, we were close to 800. The demand: strike. The meeting took the following measures: 1) Warning strike on August 1: from the lunch of the first team to the dinner of the last team. 2) Address the Edinstvo union committee to ask for help in organizing the strike workshop 45/2 We decided to meet at the same spot the next day and if there were at least 300 people ready to strike we would begin the strike. If there were less than 300, we would delay the date of the strike. A secretary wrote down the conclusions and, on this basis, I wrote to the secretary of the union committee, Petr Zolotarev, and personally transmitted the documents to him after work. The news about the preparation for the strike spread through all the workshops. The heads of the workshops asked worker after worker: "Will you strike or not? Have you decided?" The pressure on the workers multiplied by ten. August 1: According to the rumors, all the strikers would be fired On the morning of August 1, rumors circulated that those who struck would be fired and would be replaced by workers from the second team, who were promised 1,500 rubles for four hours of work if they accepted replacing the strikers. At this moment, I reflected on the situation and I estimated that there was a 50% chance that the strike would take place. Nevertheless, at 11:45, in the dining hall, I saw that over 500 workers were already present and the people continued to stream in. About 1,000 people were present, most from 45/2, but also from other workshops. Threat followed threat, but the will to win a raise in wages was stronger. Invited by us, Zolotarev and the representatives of Edinstvo were present. Ivanov, a MP to the Duma was also present. Among those present were also members of management, who tried to prevent the strike, a few provocateurs, as well as police sent in to establish order. I spoke and asked the participants: "Should we begin the strike at 11:45?" and submitted the proposal to a vote. The workers unanimously decided to vote YES. I then spoke about how, the day before, we had asked the Edinstvo union committee to organize the strike at 45/2 and I presented Petr Zolotarev and gave him the stage. After a few hesitations, and because the participants made him understand that they were leaving to strike, Zoloratev agreed to help organize the strike and represent the workers vis a vis the management. We were many and the atmosphere was suffocating, so I proposed to leave the dining hall. En route, I saw some of the workers return to their posts and I thought to myself that many might return to work due to fear. But once we were outside, we were at least 500 on strike. I learned soon that among the 500 others some went back to work, but others struck at their posts. Š Evgueni, from workshop 46, called me on my cell to inform me that workers at his workshop were also striking. They also left their workshop. I called next the workers of Motor 3 and asked them to join us. They explained to me that they decided to strike but to remain at their posts. Š The workers asked the director: "And you, how much do you make?" While we were outside, one of the directors of the factory and his cohorts came out and demanded that we return to work. But each time that he tried to speak, someone yelled out, "And you, how much do you make?" and the discussion was short. During this time, Zolotarev, who was representing us at the conference with the vice-president of Avtovaz, Mironov, phoned us: an agreement was reached. The workers would stop the strike in exchange for no reprisals against the strikers and for the opening of wage negotiations in the presence of the general director Artiakov. Having received this news, we decided to end the strike and return to our posts at about 3 pm. Time has passed, but management has not kept to its agreements. There have not been wage negotiations and the threats and firings rain down upon the strikers. Thus the question of striking again is posed, with the demands: wage raises, no sanctions and firings. We can also fight against the illegal sanctions, through a trial, showing that striking is not dangerous. We can transmit again our demands and threaten a general unlimited strike. Unity is our strength! Alexandre Afanassiev, Fitter, head of the Edinstvo union in workshop 45/2, representative of strike committee
We are publishing a declaration for the International Tribunal on Katrina by Cynthia McKinney, a human rights activist and former congresswoman from the state of Georgia. The New Orleans Times Picayune reported recently that Nancy Pelosi
and other Democrats toured New Orleans, including the Lower Ninth Ward.
They "signaled that the federal largesse would have limits."
One Louisiana Democratic Representative indicated that they were "here
to differentiate the needs from the wants." The world's generosity toward Katrina and Rita survivors was shunned even as today's needs go unfilled and underfunded. It is to that same international community that survivors now turn. I believe their cries for justice will be heard.
|