ILC International Newsletter Number 28
May 26th 2003
Weekly information dossier published by the
International Liaison Committee -ILC,
Please contact : International Liaison Committee -ILC,
c/o Parti des travailleurs - 87, rue du Faubourg Saint-Denis, 7510 Paris
France
phone : (33 1) 48 01 88 28 fax : (33 1) 48 01 88 36
e-mail - eit.ilc@wanadoo.fr
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Contents:
- Introduction
- Appeal to rail workers of the world
- Preparations for the Geneva June 15th Conference: Documents
- An interview with Gene Bruskin, co-convenor of US Labor Against the
War
- Belgium: A document of the FGTB union federation on the upcoming
congress of the ETUC (Prague, May 26th to 29th)
- Subscription Info
**********
Introduction
Within less than three weeks, the Conference in Defence of ILO
Conventions, in Defence of Labour Organisations will be convened in
Geneva.
The documents we are publishing this week show both the deep interest in
the preparation and the intensity of the preparation.
During the preparatory exchanges that took place in Washington, D.C.,
between leaders of US Labor Against War and the ILC an initiative
was proposed and agreed upon -- to launch an "International
campaign for labour rights in Iraq".
In this issue, you will read the letter by Luc Deley, member of the
hosting committee that was set up in Switzerland; it is addressed to
trade unionists and to all those who across the world uphold workers'
rights and ask them to bring their active and financial support to this
campaign to help Iraqi workers in their defence against occupation.
Han Dongfang, who is in charge of the China Labour Bulletin, has sent a
letter to the coordinator of the ILC, in which he asks that an
international campaign be organised against the heavy jail sentences
passed on two Chinese shop stewards.
An International Conference on Education initiated by French and
American education unionists sent Mr. Somavia, ILO director general, a
request for a meeting concerning the defence of ILO Convention 150 on
vocational training.
As you can easily understand, all those initiatives require a lot of
financing. We rely on your support.
**********
Appeal to Rail workers of the World
Rail workers from Germany, Algeria, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Russia, the
Ukraine, and France, met on April 26th and 27th in Paris during the
World Conference against privatisations of Rail Transporation. They send
herewith an appeal to all their colleagues across the globe.
The Conference was supported by rail workers from Brazil, Switzerland,
England and the Philippines.
Whether in Europe, in Asia, in Africa or in the Americas, we can observe
the same phenomenon. Railways were built to develop the economy;
developing industry and trade required the development of railways,
which enabled workers to travel.
Very often, the railways were built in a random way to suit the
interests of various private companies.
It was states which, through nationalisation, brought some coherence to
their railway networks (that was the case in France in 1937). Along with
nationalisation came statuses for rail workers in some countries such as
France, along also came equal opportunity to travel for citizens. Š
However, we can observe that the railways have much evolved on some
continents since privatisation has been started.
In the USA, in Mexico, in Brazil, in Argentina, railways are practically
reduced to freight transport. Passenger transport has almost disappeared
except for commuter transport in cities.
In Great Britain, privatisation has sent passenger fares rocketing, it
has also worsened safety conditions (railway catastrophes such as at
Paddington and so on,) Today all the networks are to be privatised.
According to the directives of the IMF, the European Union and the World
Bank, governments are massively privatising. Wherever railways have been
privatised, workers have experienced an unprecedented setback concerning
their living and working conditions.
For instance in Europe, directive 91-440 decreed by the European Union
that demands the separation of infrastructure management from the rest
of the network launched privatisation. Other directives have been added
so that since March 15th 2003, international freight transport has
effectively been open to competitors.
A Russian delegate explained the consequences of deregulation in his
country: "a rail worker (she checked tickets) Podmarkova Sveta,
member of the union of the October railways, was compelled to work for
eleven days on end without any break. She had an accident and was
suspended from work without pay for three months."
A German delegate informed us that out of the country's 18 repair
workshops, 8 were to be closed down, which h would lay off 6,000
workers.
A delegate from the Ukraine told us that there are still 500,000 rail
workers left in the Ukraine but that during these years, 100,000 were
laid off. Those that were hit were the workers of rail workers'
hospitals and kindergartens; the railway company is carved into pieces
to prepare it for privatisation.
A delegate from Pakistan said that in 1999, union leaders were indicted
for impeding the Pakistani railways from running. As the army controls
rail transport, it tries to halt union activity by laying off shop
stewards; thus a shop steward rail worker was banned from participating
in the conference.
The discussion showed that in every country, workers are faced with
threats on the prerogatives of trade unions either through repression or
attempts to co-opt them to end the rights and guarantees.
A French delegate showed that when launching an attack on the retirement
pensions schemes of public sector workers, the French government
actually targets all the retirement pension schemes. Through
privatisation, it is statuses, collective bargaining agreements and
retirement pension schemes that are targeted for rail workers.
However and fortunately, workers really and truly resist those threats
(France, Germany, Italy, Algeria, Brazil, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Russia,
Ukraine.)
An Algerian delegate explained that faced with workers' mobilisation,
the Algerian government had to back pedal on its prospect of privatising
oil production and the general management of railways rescinded on its
decision to handing out the Hamma railway maintenance workshops to
subsidiaries. (Algiers)
A delegate from Pakistan explained that after industrial actions and
strikes, the government there too had had to step back from proposed
privatisation.
A delegate from Bangladesh explained: "You know that the Jamuna
river cuts our country into two parts. The population has long cherished
the idea of having a bridge built over the Jamuna with a road and a
railway track. After years of negotiation, the plan was agreed on. Just
then, the World Bank and the IMF refused to finance the project because
it comprised a railway track! Then the committee of common action of the
nine rail workers' unions launched an action to obtain the bridge with a
railway track over the Jamuna. Alongside, the action against
privatisation was launched.
The peak was reached with an agreement with the government authorities.
According to the agreement privatisation and handing out to private
interests were interrupted. A railway track was built on the Jamuna
bridge. A new 91km track was built."
This resistance movement of rail workers converges with the resistance
of all workers who in air transport, health, power (electricity and
gas), education as well as in industry, are fighting to retain their
statuses, their collective bargaining agreements, the right to strike
where it exists, their pension schemes, their jobs.
So today, we think there is no other prospect than to unite across the
world and demand:
- re-nationalisation of railways,
- renationalisations of those branches and services that have already
been nationalised
- keeping our status and collective bargaining agreements
- keeping our retirement pension schemes.
- union rights must be respected
In this framework and as a first initiative, we appointed a delegation
that will go to the Conference due to be held under the sponsorship of
the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples during the
June ILO session in order to give M. Somavia, ILO manager, a memorandum
on the situation in the railways.
First endorsers of the appeal:
Mishin Andrey (Ukraine) Arbuzov Alersandr (Ukraine); Schüller Klaus
Germany); Frey Henning (Germany); Stamm Klaus (Germany); Esser Peter
(Germany); Bilski Gisela (Germany); Jamil Rubina (Pakistan); Chauldry
gulzar (Pakistan); Hussain Tafazzul (Bangladesh); Gavrilov Andrei
(Russia); Petrov Leonid (Russia); Ellstratov Yuri (Russia); Saïdi
Mohamed (Algeria); Catrix Patrick (France); Aminon André (France);
Chatel Stéphane (France); Berrier Franck (France); Soleihavoup Thomas
(France); Mairion Paul (France); Thorange Jean-Paul (France); Rober
Thierry (France); Gilian Jean Marie (France); Alzan Yves (France);
Desmamret Cédric (France); Caldéron Christophe (France); Méraud
Philippe (France);Besse Pierre (France); Collin Daniel (France);
Vilpasteur Vincent (France); Ikonomov (France); Jacqot Nicolas (France);
Melloul Jean-Jacques (France); Tribout Jean Marie (France); Rouvière
Jacky (France); Deshayes Michel (France); Beaucheron Guillaume (France);
Sparfel Jean Pierre (France); Jauriberry Christian (Franc e); Briffaud
Jacky (France); Dézelée Jedan Charles (France); Calippe Gabriel
(France); Lemasle Arnaud (France); Carpentier Jean Michel (France);
Hetru Bruno (France); Grasa François (France); Auféril Alain (France);
Renard Gilbert (France).
Support motions voted by the signatories during the International
Conference of Rail workers.
We, rail workers from Russia, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Germany,
Algeria, France, convened during the world conference of rail workers
against privatisation of railways in Paris on April 26th and 27th, have
been acquainted with the fact that Glen Watson, an English colleague
(driver in the London Tube) has been discriminated against and has
received a penalty; he has lost £ 1000 on his wages and has been
demoted by one grade.
The participants to this conference unanimously support and declare
their solidarity with their colleague Glen Watson; they ask the London
Tube management to go back on that unfair penalty.
We, rail workers from Russia, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Germany,
Algeria, France, convened during the world conference of rail workers
against privatisation of railways in Paris on April 26th and 27th, have
been acquainted with the fact that a Russian colleague, conductor was
compelled to work eleven days on end without any break. She had an
accident and was suspended from work without pay for three months.
The participants to this conference unanimously support and declare
their solidarity with their colleague Podmarkova Sveta; they ask the
October railway management to go back on that unfair penalty.
We, rail workers from Russia, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Germany,
Algeria, France, convened during the world conference of rail workers
against privatisation of railways in Paris on April 26th and 27th, have
been acquainted with the fact that the Opladen rail repair workshops
-Leverkusen (near Köln) are under threat of closing down by December
31st 2003 support and declare our solidarity with the struggle of our
German colleague against this programmed closure.
*************
We need you to support the International Conference in Defense of the
Conventions of the ILO, which will be held in Geneva, Sunday June 15th,
at the initiative of the International Liaison Committee of Workers and
Peoples
Dear friends; Dear brothers and sisters,
For the tenth consecutive year, the International Liaison Committee of
Workers and Peoples has taken the initiative to host a conference on the
occasion of the annual conference of the International Labor
Organization (ILO).
This conference will be held in Geneva. It will bring together delegates
who will be representing their union organizations in the ILO sessions,
as well as union officials coming from all over the world for the
international conference. This year, delegations from 40 countries are
expected. We hope the dossier included here will permit you to gauge the
importance of this meeting. Firstly, we must emphasize the fact that the
conference organizing committee, which was formed in Switzerland, brings
together broad sectors of the union movement and the Swiss Socialist
Party (Document I).
I. One of the central issues in the meeting on June 15th will be to
jointly study the best way to promote a "campaign for labor rights
in Iraq". In a context that is framed by the tragedy of the war
unleashed by the American authorities against the Iraqi people and
nation, and against all peoples, we understand that the Iraqi workers --
subjected today to the occupation -- must be able to have their rights.
A resolution adopted by the International Labor Organization on the
reconstruction of Iraq deals with this question. In Washington, a
meeting was held among representatives of U.S. Labor Against War and the
ILC (Document II). From these discussions arose a proposal to
organize a "campaign for labor rights in Iraq" and to prepare
an international labor delegation to Iraq. In Geneva, representatives of
unions in Arab countries will be present, and will present a report on
the situation of workers in Baghdad and across Iraq. We can now discuss
this proposal.
II. Many of you have participated in the international campaign for the
liberation of the Chinese labor representatives in Liaoyang who were
imprisoned for complaining about their late wages. Disgracefully, we
must inform you that they were just convicted. The representatives of
the China Labour Bulletin have spoken to the ILC about organizing an
international campaign (Document III).
III. An international conference of education workers, initiated by
French and American unionists, is preparing a delegation to the director
of the ILO, Juan Somavia. The objective of this initiative is the
defense of recommendation number 150 on professional training (Document
IV).
IV. As you can see, this conference will be discussing many initiatives,
critical for preserving the independent labor movement. There is no
doubt that important additions are needed, and that more will be needed
in the future.
Now, in order to invite our friends in China to Geneva, to prepare a
report on the situation of the workers in Iraq, to respond to the
demands of the railroad organizations in the Philippines, and of the
unionists in education in Pakistan, or of the organizations in India or
Chad, all of whom want to participate in the conference but lack the
means to pay for all of the travel costs, we need your help.
We invite you to send a check (payable to CMO) -- be it large or small
-- to the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples (87,
rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis, 75010 Paris). We request, if possible, that
you notify us via email (eit.ilc@wanadoo.fr),
so that we know your check is on the way.
Thank you in advance for your generous support.
SUBSCRIPTION FORM:
Name:
Address
I give ŠŠŠŠ euros (cheques payable to CMO)
*****
DOCUMENT I
Invitation to the meeting in defence of ILO conventions and in defence
of the independence of workers organisations
Sunday, May 15th, 2003
From 11 A.M. to 6 P.M.
Geneva
Centre Postal de Montbrillant
Ellenberger Conference Hall
40, rue de Montbrillant (near the railway station of Cornavin)
---
May 12th, 2003
Dear friends, dear colleagues, dear comrades,
The hosting committee of the 10th International Conference in Defence of
ILO norms, in defence of the independence of workers' organisations was
formed this 10th of May at the office of the Socialist Party of Geneva
with the participation of Daniel Gluckstein, coordinator of the
International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples.
Meeting together one month before the conference, we have discussed the
difficult problems which workers and trade unionists are facing in
Switzerland, but also in Europe and across the globe.
Our conference takes place this year in a special situation. The labour
movement broadly stood up against the war waged by the United States
against the people of Iraq. Today, the question of the future of Iraq is
raised: either direct rule by the United States or re-establishment, in
the framework of democracy, of the norms of international law. Iraq had
ratified 57 ILO conventions ever since the founding of the ILO in 1919.
Does not the restoration of democracy mean for instance the
implementation of ILO Convention 98 on the freedom of association and
negotiation which had been ratified by Iraq?
Everywhere war is a means used to accentuate the undermining of
democratic freedoms and of the rights and guarantees won by the working
people.
In that situation, a new offensive is focusing against the norms of the
ILO. Multinational corporations and the governments in their service
want to replace the compulsory norms of the ILO -- which have the value
of a law for the countries that have ratified them -- and substitute
them with "codes of good conduct". We have already witnessed
the fact that those codes of good conduct signed by multinationals are
nothing but a hoax. They are but "recommendations," and the
firm's subsidiaries are not committed to observe them. It is that type
of agreement which is now supposed to be substituted to the whole
process of ratification of the international ILO conventions.
In a world hit by deregulation and privatisation, workers need more than
ever to be able to rely on their rights codified in national laws; they
need more than ever to rely on their independent trade union
organisations.
That is why the defence of the ILO framework and of the norms which have
been inserted in it are an urgent task.
We believe that all those questions require a collective exchange and
the putting in common of experiences so to prepare together a plan of
action.
We invite you to take part in this conference and to support it.
We thank you in advance for the interest and the support you will give
to this initiative and we hope to meet you on Sunday, June 15th, 2003.
The hosting committee :
Alexandre Anor, member of the Executive Committee of the Socialist Party
of Geneva; Fabienne Blanc-Kühn, member of the Executive Committee of
the Federation of Metal and Watch Workers (FTMH); Alain Charbonnier,
leader of the Socialist parliamentary group in the Parliament of Geneva;
Jean Clivaz, former chairman of the railway workers trade union; Luc
Deley, member of the leadership of the public services trade union (SSP)
of the Geneva area; Simone Girodo, workers women commission of the ILC;
Josiane Hausser, Women's Socialist International; David Hermann,
secretary of the UNIA-Actions trade union (services sector), Geneva;
Rudy Jaussi, chairman of the SSP industrial services group of Geneva;
Vincent Leggiero, member of the leadership, transport workers trade
union (SEV-TPG); René-Simon Meyer, trade unionist; Max Robert,
teachers' union (SSP); Jacques Robert, deputy chairman of the Building
trade unions (SIB); Christine Sayegh, member of the Executive Committee
of the Socialist Party of Geneva; Pascal Sprüngli, deputy chairman of
the Air Traffic trade union (SSP).
The meeting was supported by:
Michel Alain, chairman of the employees committee of Charmille
Technologies; Charles Beer, state councillor; François Courvoisier,
former Socialist MP; Laurence Fehlmann, deputy chairperson of the
Socialist Party of Geneva, MP; Dominique Hausser, chairman, Socialist
Party of Geneva; Doris Schüepp, general secretary of the national trade
union of Public Services (SSP).
-----
DOCUMENT II
International campaign for labour rights in Iraq
On May 15th, a meeting took place in Washington D.C., between leaders of
US Labor Against War (USLAW) and the International Liaison Committee of
Workers and Peoples. In the course of the discussion, a proposal was
made to launch an "international campaign for labour rights in
Iraq."
In the situation created by the American invasion of Iraq, with the
United States Army turned into an army of occupation to protect the
interests of companies that are opposed to union activity and are
favourites of George Bush (like Bechtel, SSA, MCI, Halliburton, etc.);
companies that received substantial contracts to "reconstruct
Iraq," launching an organised campaign to promote labour rights in
Iraq is, in our opinion, a priority for all unions and all labour
activists who act on an international scale for peace and social
justice.
The workers of Iraq will need independent unions and to have all of
their rights codified in the conventions of the ILO in the coming weeks
and months. Independent unions and the unrestricted exercise of labour
rights forms the basis of any society that calls itself democratic.
On March 28, 2003, the International Labor Office (part of the
International Labor Organization) issued a declaration that underlined
the importance of this international campaign. It stated, in part:
"In Iraq war has broken out, in spite of the intense efforts that
have been made to try and resolve the problem by peaceful means. History
has shown us that wars have profound repercussions on the lives of many
people, far beyond those who are directly involved in the conflict. The
loss of human lives from all areas would be a tragedy for the families
and the undermining of economic activity in the region will put the
income sources for millions of workers in danger.
"In this situation, the founding principles of the ILO, dedicated
to social justice and the protection of workers, respond to the needs of
those who will be mistreated by the war. Considering the immediate and
titanic task of reconstruction after the war, the ILO has the determined
will to play its role, to create jobs and to guarantee as high a level
of subsistence as possible.
"To this end, the ILO is taking urgent measures in the framework of
an initiative from the entire system of the United Nations, that intends
to respond to the immediate necessities in Iraq.
"It is necessary to move forward with an action plan to protect
workers, evaluate needs in the labour market after the conflict, to
launch reconstruction projects designed to create jobs and to assure
sufficient social protection for vulnerable groups.
"The ILO is ready to participate, along with the United Nations
Development Program (UNDP) and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), in the proposed program for the reconstruction of Iraq."
Š (declaration on the consequences of the conflict in Iraq).
From 1919 to the beginning of the 1980s, Iraq ratified 57 conventions of
the ILO. Will they be ratified and applied effectively under the new
regime that prevails in Iraq? If the objective of the war was really to
establish democracy, wouldn't it imply, for example, that convention 98
of the ILO (on freedom of association and collective bargaining) should
be implemented, so that Iraqi workers could organize their own
independent unions and work toward their demands in the completely
respected framework of collective-bargaining negotiations?
Iraq has a long tradition of unionism and of codified labour rights. It
is not necessary to reinvent them from scratch.
As a minimum, the new regime in Iraq should recognize, ratify and apply
all of the conventions of the ILO ratified by the various Iraqi
governments in the last 84 years.
Defending the ILO and its conventions is part of this campaign to
promote labor rights in Iraq.
The leadership of the AFL-CIO has issued a press release denouncing the
Bush administration for its decision to reduce funds designated for the
ILO: "The International Labor Office is going to see its budget
reduced from 147 million dollars to 12 million dollars, which will
effectively eliminate the majority of its activities. This Office, which
works closely with the ILO, has as its task the protection of labour
rights of workers throughout the world, the struggle against child
labour and education for workers on how to deal with the threat of
AIDS."
The retaliatory measures taken by the Bush administration against the
ILO constitute a serious attack on the rights of workers throughout the
world. It also constitutes a blow to peace: the ILO says explicitly in
the preamble to its founding charter that a "a lasting and
universal peace can only be built on a foundation of social justice; the
current labour conditions lead to injustice, poverty and misery for an
enormous number of people, creating so much discontent that peace and
universal harmony are threatened."
We call on unionists and those who support labour rights in the United
States and in the entire world to unite with us in active support of the
campaign for labour rights in Iraq.
A representative of USLAW will be present at the ILC conference in
Geneva on June 15th. An undertaking of this scope, as you no doubt
understand, requires a lot of money. We are launching a subscription
drive for contributions to this campaign. We need your support as soon
as possible to be able to get this campaign going without delay.
We ask you that you send a check, be it large or small, to the
Organizing Committee for the Conference in Geneva, payable to CMO. We
thank you in advance for your support. This campaign affects all unions
and all those who support labor rights, and who are in agreement with
the formulation of the founding letter that says, "A lasting and
universal peace can only be built on a foundation of social
justice."
Fraternally,
Luc Deley, Organizing Committee
For the June 15th Conference in Geneva
Support the International Campaign for Labor Rights in Iraq
Name:
......................................................................
.....
Organization:
...............................................................
Address:
...................................................................... .
......................................................................
................
Telephone: .................................. E-mail:
.............................
Registration: ................... (make checks payable to CMO)
Luc Deley - Ch J. E Gottret
1255 Veyrier (Suisse)
Tel/Fax : (41) 22 784 24 21
E-mail : deley@infomaniak.ch
**********
DOCUMENT III
Letter from Han Dongfang, head of the China Labour Bulletin, to Daniel
Gluckstein, coordinator of the International Liaison Committee for
Workers and Peoples
Wednesday, May 14
Dear Brother Daniel Gluckstein,
As you no doubt already know, on May 8 the Chinese judicial authorities
made public the sentences given against two labor leaders from the city
of Liaoyang, in the province of Liaonig. Yao Fuxin was condemned to 7
years in prison and Xiao Yunliang to 4 years in prison.
During the reading of their sentences, it was clear that Yao Fuxin had
practically lost his eyesight and that Xiao Yunliang was in a serious
state of physical debilitation. Nonetheless, the severe deterioration of
their health, suffered after more than a year of incarceration, had in
no way destroyed their will and determination. When he heard his
sentence being read, Xiao Yunliang stood up bravely in a gesture of
challenge, although it cost him to do so. His expression indicated his
confidence and resolution. It was the only way left for these labor
representatives to say to those who had condemned them: we are innocent,
we will not give up and you will not intimidate us. During the hearing
in which the sentence was made public, the more than three hundred
workers who were gathered outside the court with a more or less equal
number of police, were physically prevented from entering. Inside, with
the exception of the daughters of Yao Fuxin and Xiao Yunliang, all of
the audience was comprised of police and official representatives.
During the session in which they were to announce the "guilt"
of the labor leaders, the Chinese authorities did not permit a single
worker, journalist or any other Chinese citizen affected by this issue
enter the courtroom.
What's more, neither Yao Fuxin nor Xiao Yunliang were allowed to make a
final declaration after the verdict. Still worse, not only were the
daughters of both men taken separately by force in police vehicles after
the hearing, but so was Xiao Yunliang's wife, who was also injured - she
had been attacked an beaten by several police agents while waiting
outside the courtroom. She was beaten until she lost consciousness and
had to be taken to the hospital to be treated.
The role played by Yao Fuxin nor Xiao Yunliang and others, from the
beginning of the movement of the Liaoyang workers in March of 2002, one
of representing the workers in their negotiations with the government,
concerned nothing but the exercise of the most basic freedoms of
association and collective negotiation for workers, rights
long-established and protected by conventions 87 and 98 of the ILO. As a
State that forms part of the ILO, the actions on the part of the Chinese
government, manifested in the arrest and cruel sentencing of these
representatives of the workers, constitutes an open and direct challenge
to conventions 87 and 98 of the ILO, and it signifies their brutal
trampling. This act of flagrant persecution of the workers of Liaoyang
by the Chinese government is equivalent to an act of persecution against
the entire Chinese working class. In addition, it expresses the open
contempt of the Chinese government for the international labor movement
and the ILO itself and it supposes, then, a clear provocation against
them. The workers of the world cannot - and will not - let this act of
injustice occur without responding to it.
I know that you have paid much attention to the struggle of the Liaoyang
workers since March of last year and that you have been very worried
about the situation of the imprisoned labor leaders.
Since last year, the International Liaison Committee has launched a call
for international action for their defense, a call that has received the
support of many workers in different countries. The ILC has also sent an
international labor delegation to Liaoyang to affirm their support for
the labor mobilization in this city. Not since 1949 has the Chinese
working class had such an urgent need for the solidarity and support of
the international labor movement.
Today, it is vital that you move all of the resources of the
international labor movement as broadly as possible to denounce and
oppose the unscrupulous, corrupt alliance that exists between the
governmental representatives and the masters of the business world; an
alliance has led to the prison sentences dictated against Yao Fuxin and
Xiao Yunliang.
As the annual ILO conference in Geneva nears, I have great hopes that
you will continue to give us, to give the workers of Liaoyang and the
Chinese working class, your full support in this action.
Fraternally,
Han Dongfang,
Head of the China Labour Bulletin
**********
DOCUMENT IV
Demand for a hearing with Juan Somavia,
Director General of the International Labor Organization (excerpts)
Sir Director-General,
We have received knowledge of the report on the revision of
recommendation 150 of the ILO, submitted for discussion at the 91st
annual session of the ILO. This report, titled "Learning and
Training for Work in the Knowledge Society," proposes the adoption
of the recommendation for "training policy and system reforms
underway in member States," which can be summarized in the
following manner:
"These issues include the policy, governance and regulatory
framework of training; the roles and responsibilities of parties other
than the State (e.g. the private sector, the social partners and civil
society) in policy formulation, in investing in, and providing learning
opportunities and training; the move by many countries to provide
lifelong learning and training opportunities for all people Š the shift
towards development and recognition of "competencies" that
comprise a wide range of work-related knowledge, technical and
behavioural skills, and which form elements of many countries' emerging
frameworks of national qualifications; and the need to expand skill
development activities that prepare workers for self-employment."
In effect, we are seeing everywhere, in terms of public education, a
convergent policy whose major lines are the following:
I. The reduction of public spending, and in particular spending
designated for education. The economic uncertainty as well as spending
linked to the war developing before our eyes in Iraq does not settle us
in this respect.
II. The tendency towards privatization of education, and the
willingness to put schools under control of the private sector. Under
pressure from the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development) and the WTO and the European Union, a notion that was until
now foreign to the legislation of almost all countries, brusquely makes
an appearance: that of the "educational market." The tendency
is to overcome all of the "distortion of competition" in this
market, preventing public powers from fulfilling the role that up until
now had been theirs: putting at the disposal of every person, equal,
free, and secular education.
III. The weakening of diplomas and qualifications, tending to increase
the level of flexibility of manual labor. Thus, the notion of
"lifelong learning" tends everywhere to substitute for the
principle of a basic education that is followed by entrance into the
working world. In parallel, the notion of "competency" tends
to replace that of "qualification" in the programs and
legislative framework of numerous countries on the question of
education. One hears increasingly of the "validation of
experiences" and of the certification of "competencies
acquired informally." Thus, the disappearance of a standard
education in the schools is, as of today, the order of the day.
IV. The disappearance of the unified character of educational programs
and certifications and the diversification of procedures for grading. We
also have reason to fear the destruction of the very right to basic
education.
V. These policies seem contradictory to the fundamental principles of
the ILO. They are particularly contradictory to the terms of convention
142 of the ILO, which deals with the value of human resources, affirming
that the signatory states should develop complete and concerted policies
on guidance and professional training, and adds: "These programs
should help all people, on equal footing and without any discrimination,
to develop and use their professional aptitudes in their own interests
and according to their own aspirations."
Now then, the decision to place the axis of an educational system on the
development of "competencies" instead of
"qualifications" is equivalent to refusing to put education at
the service of the workersŠ.
This is why we are asking for a hearing with you in order to exchange
opinions on these urgent questions.
**********
Gene Bruskin, one of the national convenors of US Labor Against War,
informs us that USLAW will send one of its national coordinators, Amy
Newell, to the ILC meeting for the defence of workers rights, in Geneva,
June 15.
Interview by Daniel Gluckstein, coordinator of the International Liaison
Committee for a Workers' International (ILC)
Daniel Gluckstein: You were one of the initiators of US Labor Against
War. You recently held a meeting of the Continuations Committee of
USLAW. What is your leadership's assessment of the situation both in
Iraq and the United States now that the shooting war is over?
Gene Bruskin: We held an expanded leadership meeting in Chicago on April
26 to make such an assessment. We concluded that the policies that led
to the war in Iraq continue to be the policies of our government, and
continue to bode ill for for the future.
We said we need to continue to organize within the labor movement and
the broader peace movement to oppose these policies at every level. That
means we have to transform ourselves as an organization into a broader,
longer-term entity. Accordingly, we are convening a National Labor
Assembly in October to discuss the issues of peace, justice and labor
rights. We hope to assemble a broad representation of labor
organizations from all over the country to formulate a mission and a
strategy in opposition to the policies of war, both abroad and at home
-- because the domestic impact of the war on the economy has been
devastating to the U.S. worker.
D.G.: Does this mean that for you the struggle against the war will now
become a less-important point on the agenda?
Bruskin.: We intend to continue making the issue of war a major part of
our agenda. We believe that war and militarism -- and the entire
"endless war on terrorism" -- are all an essential part of
Bush's strategy, keeping people in a perpetual state of fear and keeping
himself as their "defender." This enables Bush and his
administration to put forward anti-worker policies that never would have
been accepted under normal conditions. We believe we have to oppose
Bush's policies head-on and encourage others to do the same.
D.G.: At the meeting of DC Labor for Peace and Justice held earlier this
afternoon, we discussed the international dimension of the fight against
this ongoing war. What do you think can be done now to promote
international labor solidarity and the fight against war?
Bruskin: We felt here in the United States that the international
character of the antiwar struggle -- particularly the international
labor component -- was extremely powerful and hopeful. But at the same
time, it was only just an opening, a beginning.
USLAW will be sending our national organizer, Amy Newell, to the ILC
Conference in Defense of Labor Rights in Geneva in mid-June. We are very
interested, in particular, in the issue of labor rights in Iraq. We see
the very same multinational companies that attack workers in this
country -- and that have funded George Bush's campaign -- now getting
all the contracts in Iraq. They are moving to Iraq to privatize all the
country's wealth, primarily its oil industry, and to exploit workers
over there.
We believe we can build broad support within the U.S. trade union
movement -- including among unions that hesitated to oppose the war --
for the campaign to demand labor rights for Iraqi workers. These workers
need to have their own independent unions with the right to collective
bargaining.
D.G.: The war in Iraq was launched in the name of "democracy."
What does it mean today, in your view, to put democracy on the agenda in
Iraq?
Bruskin: One thing any trade unionist in the United States understands
-- regardless of whether he or she supported Bush's war -- is labor
rights. This is because every unionist has to struggle to protect his or
her own rights every day.
Working people in the U.S. would see the introduction and enforcement of
genuine labor rights in Iraq as being central to the issue of democracy
in Iraq. They will support this fight.
D.G.: The Conference in Geneva organized by the ILC on June 15th will
have the issue of labor rights in Iraq as the first point on the agenda.
. I should also point out that representatives from trade
union federations in Arab countries will be present at the
Geneva ILC Conference to participate in this discussion.
We hope to launch together an international campaign for the right to
organize and to collective bargaining in Iraq. What specific
contribution do you think American trade unionists can make to this
discussion in Geneva?
Bruskin: Since our government has destroyed the economic infrastucture
of Iraq, the only companies operating for the most part in Iraq will be
the U.S.-based companies invited in by George Bush. We in the United
States know these companies all too well. Our intention is to profile
who these companies are, what their history is in the U.S. and
elsewhere, and what we know about their operations in Iraq. This will be
a contribution to the global fight against these corporations, but it
will be a specific contribution to the right of the Iraqi workers to
organize.
D.G.: It would be excellent if Amy Newell, on behalf of USLAW, could
present such a "white paper" on these multinational
corporations to the Geneva conference. Would this be possible?
Bruskin: Absolutely.
D.G.: What do you think about having this dossier translated into Arabic
for the Iraqi workers?
Bruskin: We would be delighted to have the opportunity to share this
kind of a document with workers in Iraq and all over the Middle East and
the rest of the world. This information would be particularly valuable
in the hands of the Iraqi workers.
D.G.: If there is an opportunity to organize an international
independent labor delegation to Iraq -- to make direct contacts and to
help workers there build their own independent unions -- what would
USLAW's reaction be to such an initiative?
Bruskin: If we are invited by the Iraqi labor movement to visit Iraq and
see the conditions, I feel confident the trade unions in the U.S. would
very much want to be part of such an initiative.
**********
European Information
The convention of the European Trade Unions Confederation is going to be
held in Prague from May 26th to 29th. Just before, the FGTB trade union
of Belgium published a press release: "The FGTB fears the worst for
the Prague Convention". The FGTB has its own positions. We feel
that its stand is a contribution to the on-going debate taking place
within the European labour movement and beyond, on the precise nature of
the ETUC. That is why we consider we should publish extracts from this
statement as a non-editorial comment (the entirety of the statement is
available for anyone who requests it).
The FGTB/ABVV has always struggled (in its words but also in the facts)
for a strong European Trade Union Confederation, as we also aim at a
strong and social Europe.
As a matter of fact, both are strongly linked.
The ETUC can only become a strong organization and can only form a real
counterpower in Europe if it can act as a real trade union instead of a
lobby. Only when the ETUC will prove it really can mobilize people, the
European workers (men and women) will form a solid counterpower to be
taken into account.
The ABVV/FGTB, worried by the recent evolution within the ETUC,
organises this press conference to relay a signal.
In recent years, the Belgian trade unions - together with other trade
unions - have been the driving force that pushed the ETUC in this
combative direction. These efforts were rewarded. [Š]
We now have to ask ourselves if, in spite of the rather modest headways
of the last years, the high days of the social dialogue are not past.
The new policy plan of 2003-2005 on social dialogue is primarily
oriented towards study works rather than towards the conclusion of
binding agreements.
The 19 points of this program only mention two possibilities of
negociating a voluntary agreement (stress at work and mobbying). The
other points deal with the organization of seminars, study work,
procedures concerning the follow-up of prior engagements. Moreover, the
implementation of voluntary agreements meets with difficulties. The
transposition of the general agreement on the telecommuting (concluded
on a voluntary basis) met employers' opposition when the trade unions
asked to transpose it in a binding CLA (collective labour agreement).
According to the employers, a voluntary agreement cannot be transposed
in an obligatory (or binding) agreement. As a consequence, they only
accept a voluntary code of conduct (which is quite logical). . [Š]
The existence of the ETUC as an organization to which the trade unions
of the future enlarged Europe are affiliated, is undoubtedly a major
fact.
With its 60 million members - the ETUC has in its membership 78 national
trade union confederations from a total of 34 countries and 11 European
industry federations -, the ETUC is a future strong weapon in the
defence of the workers' interests.
However, the FGTB/ABVV has always stressed that the ETUC much too often
acts as a lobby instead of a real European union. It can be explained by
the differences in the history and in the rate of unionization in the
member organizations of the ETUC.
Whereas in Belgium, the union membership rate comes to more than 60 %,
the average for Europe doesn't exceed 30 %. Whereas the three Belgian
trade unions increased the number of their members after 1975, this
number dramatically decreased in many other countries.
As a matter of fact, the evolution of the ETUC to a real trade union is
as difficult as the building out of a social Europe.
Today, we have to admit that the member organisations of the ETUC are
evolving at a different pace. [Š]
The economic context is quite alarming: the growth prospects are every
day worse (zero growth for the first quarter of 2003) and the do-nothing
position of the policy-makers in Europe with regard to the economic
recovery policy is unacceptable. The war in Iraq isn't the only reason
why the Spring Summit in Brussels failed. In the meantime, several
countries are on the edge of deflation.
The reaction of the ETUC (criticism with respect to content, but also
organization of big demonstrations) comes up to our expectations.
But here once again, these demonstrations were essentially supported by
the French, the Belgian unions and by the unions from Luxembourg and
from Southern Europe. Moreover, the mobilization wasn't strong and large
enough to force the European policy makers to change their attitude and
implement a real European economic recovery policy.
The European convention shows a worrying development. We are now at the
eve of the EU enlargement and Europe is all but ready to receive its new
members.
The development of a social Europe meets a strong opposition in the
Convention. [Š]
Wouldn't it be useful that the ETUC firmly reminds its bottom line, its
minimum demands that condition the future participation of the ETUC at
the proceedings of the Convention? In this way, the recognition of the
cross-border union rights is a fundamental and symbolic element. Can the
ETUC wait until its Congress - to which the President of the Convention,
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, has been invited - to make its demands
clearly heard ? Will it have the will to do so? One could nevertheless
expect that the ETUC would determine a political position with the
formulation of several minimum demands with regard to the Convention's
conclusions. This hasn't been the case so far. [Š]
As there is a lack of union co-ordination, there is of course no
co-ordination in the struggle against this trend . The French and
Austrian unions try, each union in its own way and without a broad
support, to stop this antisocial reforms.
The ETUC's financial resources : no consensus
The challenges we have to take up at European level are important and
thus require a stronger ETUC. However, the ABVV/FGTB has to come to the
conclusion that nowadays the ETUC - in the past already behaving more as
a lobby than as a union - is deviating more and more from a union
strategy.
We also have to come to the conclusion no consensus was reached on the
development and the financing of an independent, autonomous and
combative ETUC. Today, the ETUC is subsidized up to 73 % (external
subsidies); moreover, the conditions for granting subsidies are getting
more rigid. Not quite a reassuring evolution for a union movement that
has to stick to its independence.
Nevertheless, it was not possible to reach a consensus on an increment
of the financial contribution necessary to enlarge the Secretariat and
to become more independent of public subsidies. Even if the initial
proposal realized an increase with 30 % was necessary to meet with the
needs of a combative union movement, the increase of the financial
contribution was finally limited to 15 %. Taking into account the
challenges - and in the first place the enlargement of the Europe Union
- this will weaken the combativity of ETUC instead of making it
stronger.
Nowadays, the minimum annual contribution is of 0,14 _ per member, the
'big' unions take advantage of this situation as the contribution is
degressive. As the annual contribution per member decreases once a
certain number of members is reached, the average contribution paid by
the biggest unions is less important than the average contribution paid
by the smaller unions. Besides, we could wonder why several unions are
ready to affect rather important financial resources for delegating
several members of their staff to the ETUC whereas they adopt a quite
reticent attitude in giving directly the necessary resources to the
ETUC. In today's Secretariat, 9 deputies (out of 18) are on secondment.
Anyway, this attitude is not contributing to more transparency.
There is obviously no will to develop an ETUC.
At the latest Executive Committee, the Belgian delegation submitted the
proposal that the unions agreeing with an increased contribution, could
already pay it, enabling the other unions to accept an increase later
on. In this way, the Secretariat could have been enlarged with one
person. But the proposal was refused. The result is, the Secretariat we
wanted to reinforce, cannot be enlarged (whereas the present Secretariat
says not to be able to acquit itself of its tasks for lack of sufficient
staff).
A different vision on the final purpose
We all say we want a stronger ETUC. But what does this mean ? To some
organisations, it means a consultative body with a coordinating and
technical role. The choice several affiliates made for the future
Secretariat and the merely technical role conferred to the Secretariat
made this obvious.
The ABVV/FGTB wants the ETUC to be able to cope with the future
challenges and to be autonomous. This supposes a politically strong
Secretariat, as well as qualified and highly motivated staff members.
The choice made by the members of the Secretariat does not correspond
with the profile defined by the Executive Committee : candidates with a
highly political profile and if possible with union branch experience. [Š]
The ones inclined to reduce the ETUC to a coordinating body defend the
same vision as the ones in the Convention inclined to develop the EU on
an intergovernment vision instead of a common European vision.
Instead of evolving towards a European union acting in an autonomous
way, we thus will have a Secretariat only capable of co-ordinating the
decisions of the (big) national unions.
This evolution is already noticeable. The decision to reduce the role of
the President of the ETUC to a mere presidency of each session, is a
proof of it. [Š]
What now ?
The ABVV/FGTB, worried by the recent evolution within the ETUC,
organises this press conference to relay a signal.
No doubt the ETUC is absolutely necessary, but a different ETUC. The
ABVV/FGTB, one of the founding members, will work hard and contribute in
reanimating this organisation. As to the ABVV/FGTB changes are urgently
necessary, these changes should be based on a major role of the branches
within the ETUC, the European industry federations (= 'parent' European
union to which individual branch unions belong).
That's the way we want to build out a stronger ETUC, a stronger European
union is necessary, today (and tomorrow) more than ever.
**********
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