Open World Conference of Workers

In Defense of Trade Union Independence & Democratic Rights

 

A dossier of weekly information published by the
International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples
June 3, 2009
Issue 339

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Introduction

A few days after the conference of the ILC in Geneva on Saturday, June 6, we publish several documents:

- The letter of invitation to the meeting
- A "memo" about the "Global Jobs Pact"
- The contribution of a trade unionist of the United States on the ongoing discussions in the American labor movement on agreements signed in the auto industry.

Italy: You will find a report on the slate in the provincial elections, supported by 300 signatories. "Unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs," held a meeting of a hundred participants. Several speakers noted: "There is a lack of political representation of the working class. "

Belgium: You will find an interview with Philippe Larsimont, coordinator of the Movement for the Defense of Workers (MDT). From Liège to Antwerp, thousands of jobs are threatened.

Hungary Hungarian Steelworkers show their solidarity with workers at the shipyards in Gdansk (Poland).


Peru: The Correspondence of "El Trabajo" explains the mobilization of the people in the Amazon against the consequences of the Free Trade Agreement.

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Table of Contents:

p. 1: Introduction.
p. 2 / 3 / 4 / 5: XVI International Conference in Defense of ILO Conventions and Trade Union Independence
p. 6 / 7 - Italy: "Unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs," held a meeting of a hundred participants.
- Belgium: Interview with Philippe Larsimont.
- Hungary: One hundred Hungarian steelworkers go to workers at the shipyards in Gdansk.
p. 8 - Peru: Mobilization for the cancellation of the decrees implementing the free trade agreement.

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Contact

Informations internationales
Entente internationale des travailleurs et des peuples
87, rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis -75010 Paris - France
Tel: (33 1) 48 01 88 28.E.mail: eit.ilc@fr.oleane.com

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16th Annual Meeting
In Defense of ILO Conventions and Trade Union Independence
(Convened by the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples)
Saturday, June 6, 2009 - 11 a.m.

Maison des Associations, 15,rue des Savoises 1205 Geneva

To all workers delegates at the ILO Conference
To Trade Union leaders around the world

LETTER OF INVITATION

Dear Sisters and Brothers,


Each one of us is acquainted with the disastrous consequences of the crisis that is reaping havoc on an international scale -- destroying jobs in a massive way, undermining our rights and social gains, threatening trade union rights.

Each one of us is confronted, in his or her country, with governments that are hammering away on the theme that the trade union movement should be more "understanding" of the needs of the bankers and corporations, our supposed "partners" in the effort to address the consequences of the global economic crisis. We are all supposedly "in the same boat."


In this difficult situation, the labor movement on an international level is confronted with the following question: Faced with the crisis, what attitude should it adopt? Should it renounce its own identity and objectives by "accompanying" the destructive plans concocted by corporate elites and politicians in their service -- or should it assert its independence as a trade union movement and resist?

No trade union, on any level, can avoid this question. It is raised everywhere.


The agenda of the 98th Session of the International Labor Conference of the International Labor Organization (ILO) has just been altered in order "to organize an urgent discussion on the employment and social policy consequences of the economic and financial world crisis that is hitting the working world." No one, in particular no labor delegates to the International Labor Conference, can deny how serious the situation has become -- and how urgent it is to enact measures to deal with this crisis in the interests of working people.

But what is all this about? Why this last-minute modification to agenda of the 98th Session of the International Labor Conference?


An "ILO Summit on the Global Jobs Crisis" has now been convened on June 15 and 16 -- as an "important component of the ILO's International Labor Conference."


At this "Summit," the list of traditional representatives attending the International Labor Conference will be expanded to include other key "policy-makers" at the international level -- by which they mean explicitly "global opinion leaders" as well as representatives from civil society, international financial institutions, and transnational corporations. These two days are to be spent discussing a Global Jobs Pact.


As it has been doing for the last 15 years now, the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples (ILC) will submit its analyses and contributions on all the documents preparing this International Labour Conference of the ILO -- which now includes this new ILO Summit on the Global Jobs Crisis -- for the consideration and discussion of trade union leaders and activists.

Having said this, we feel justified to issue as of now this warning: At the precise moment when governments are trying everywhere to co-opt trade unions and associate them directly in the implementation of plans that destroy our jobs, isn't it dangerous to draw up and adopt a Global Jobs Pact in conjunction with the IMF and other financial institutions, the transnational corporations, and the governments as "a necessary component of the process launched by the leaders of the G20 countries"? Isn't this all the more dangerous given that the stated aim is to implement versions of this Pact on a national level and in the "free trade zones"?

The International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples calls on you to meet with us on Saturday, June 6 at 11 a.m. in Geneva at its 16th Meeting in Defense of ILO Conventions and Trade Union Independence so that we can discuss together the options facing the trade union movement:


Should we accept becoming "partners with the bosses and international financial institutions" -- or should we preserve steadfastly our trade union independence? Should we support so-called "stimulus" plans, which are nothing more than bailout plans for the banks and speculators -- or should we take resolute action in favor of defending workers' jobs and conditions? Should we return to the fundamental system of ILO Standards and Conventions -- or should we accept that the ILO becomes a machine whose mandate henceforth is to promote the G20's decisions?


To sum this up: Should the international trade union movement become a part of the so-called "New World Governance" promoted by the IMF, WTO and World Bank -- or, on the contrary, should it assume its historic mission of defending workers' interests?

The International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples, which has just published, along with activists from 44 countries, an appeal for an "Open World Conference Against War and Exploitation" (to be held in Berlin on May 21-23, 2010) invites you to join us in Geneva on June 6 to take part in this important discussion.


- Paris, May 12, 2009

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Memo: Concerning the "Global Jobs Pact"

Contribution by Vincent Doret

The crisis is deep. It has already caused immense destruction, as everyone acknowledges.

The report of the Director General of the ILO ("Confronting the global jobs crisis: Renewed focus on decent work") expresses the magnitude of the crisis:


"Millions of women and men have lost their jobs, and bankruptcies, including small businesses, are growing at a breakneck pace, rising unemployment is expected to continue at least until the end of 2010 and probably until 2011. Poverty and 'informal' employment will also continue to grow, reversing recent progress on this front, while the middle class are weakened. In the meantime, 45 million people, mainly young women and men, hit the labor market in 2009 and subsequent years, in search of their first job."

The same report notes:


"The feeling of injustice rises and fuels social tensions. According to an index of political instability produced by the Economist Intelligence Unit, in 95 countries of the 165 countries studied, the risk of instability is high or very high. (...) In a statement, the director of national intelligence services of the United States indicated that "the main concern in the short-term U.S. security is the global economic crisis and its geopolitical implications." The statement notes further that an economic crisis that lasts more than a year or two will add to the risk of instability threatening the regime. If left unchecked, the global crisis (...) will turn into a more widespread political crisis."


Who is responsible for the crisis? Two opposing views.


On the one hand, there is the explanation presented in the unanimous declaration of the G20 in London (early April 2009), which states that the crisis is the result of "accidents" due to financial excesses, "the irresponsibility of the banks," and the lack of "regulation." The declaration concludes as follows: "We are convinced that the only basis for a sustainable globalization is an open world economy based on market principles."


On the other hand, there is the explanation provided by workers' organizations, such as the Korean KCTU trade union confederation, which declared:


"We don't think that the G20 and its guests -- namely, the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and other international financial institutions -- can be the ones "who will solve the problems" of the global crisis. In fact, these institutions are all complicit in the implementation of neoliberal, "free trade" and free investment, and financial globalization policies.


"Moreover, while the G20 considers that 'the roots of the current crisis' are "bad risk management practices and the complexity and increasing opacity of financial products," we the undersigned affirm that the global economic crisis under way is the result of contradictions inherent in the capitalist system that they defend. Therefore, the measures proposed by the G20 aim to prop up a "bankrupt" system -- not to question the system that has caused the current crisis. We maintain that the real solutions begin with safeguarding the lives of workers, their families and peoples."

What was the conclusion of the G20?

The G20 has decided to pursue a "monetary and fiscal effort" to rescue the financial sector with the largest bailout program in modern times; the cost of this financial rescue plan is expected to reach $5 trillion globally by the end of 2010. At the same time, there are 50 million layoffs expected around the world during the same period. Among the decisions taken is the strengthening of the role of the IMF. The IMF, whose resources were hitherto about $250 billion, has been allocated an additional $500 billion.


What is the purpose of the "ILO Summit on the Global Jobs Crisis" of June 15-16 in Geneva?


This Summit was convened in several stages. On the eve of the G20 meeting in London, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and the Global Unions made public a joint statement which states, in part: "The international trade union movement calls on the G20, working in concert with other countries and international institutions, to implement a 5-point strategy to address the crisis and to promote a more just and more sustainable global economy for future generations."


The ITUC and Global Unions call for "establishing a new framework of legal norms and international economic and social institutions -- including the ILO, IMF, World Bank, WTO and OECD -- with the reform of those institutions, and the establishment of a global economic governance that is effective and responsible (§ 30-32). The ITUC claims in particular that "the ILO should be the focus of a new multilateral architecture that can respond to the current crisis of globalization. (...) Governments working with the social partners and with the participation of relevant organizations such as the ILO should create a new world economic order. "


The summit of the G20 incorporates this proposal


The report of the General Director of the ILO ("Confronting the global jobs crisis: Renewed focus on decent work") states:


"On April 2, 2009, leaders of the G20 adopted a global plan which, in its section titled "Promoting a sustainable and equitable revitalization for all," includes the following request made to the ILO:


"We recognize the human dimension of the crisis. We pledge to support those affected by the crisis by creating job opportunities and through measures of income support. We will establish a labor market that is just and conducive to a balance between family life and working life, for both women and men. We therefore welcome the reports of the London Conference on Employment and the Social Summit in Rome, as well as the key principles they propose. We will support employment by stimulating growth by investing in education and training policies and active labor market, focusing on the most vulnerable. We call upon the ILO, in collaboration with other organizations, to evaluate actions already taken and those that will be needed in the future." (§ 26)


Director General of the ILO proposes to amend the ILO Annual Conference agenda


In those circumstances -- in an absolutely unusual act for the operation of the ILO -- the Director General was asked to amend the agenda of the 98th annual session.


In the "special rules for consideration at the 98th session (24 March 2009)," it is established that "the International Labour Bureau also considers that discussions in the plenary committee, which should start its work immediately after the opening of the session of the Conference, could reach conclusions submitted for adoption at the plenary. At the initial stage of its work, the Committee could consider any contributions by renowned experts and other personalities." For this purpose, stated the document, the agenda was amended to include an International summit on the theme "Coping with the employment crisis: as a plenary on June 15-16, 2009. The summit would be devoted to measures against the crisis and include panel discussions on various issues relating to the labor market. "


A press release from the ILO, dated May 14 stated that the summit should bring together "the heads of state and government, (...) ministers, senior policy makers, business leaders, union representatives, regional institutions and international development agencies, and other opinion leaders. "


The report is in preparation of an "ILO Summit on the Global Jobs Crisis"


Commenting on the need for a "global governance for a fair globalization", the report of the Director General noted:


"The expansion of the G20 since its beginnings as a simple meeting of finance ministers is an important step in building forums that are more inclusive and effective for decision-making. However, in time, it will be more firmly anchored in the UN system. If it does not achieve greater international coordination to confront the crisis, the global economy will face the prospect of a prolonged economic crisis, leading to a crisis of labor markets that is even more profound and with serious social problems.


"No international organization or any country has the mandate or the means to deal with all aspects of the crisis and its issues. The leaders of the G20 expressed support for a charter for sustainable economic activity in which the idea was launched by Chancellor Merkel, in consultation with the leaders of the World Bank, ILO, IMF, OECD and the WTO. I am convinced that this is a very important initiative for the future of a balanced global governance. The ILO is committed to promoting greater cooperation with the United Nations and other international organizations to promote the charter. The ILO also participates actively and with determination in the system of inter-agency coordination under the aegis of the Council of Chief Executives chaired by UN Secretary General. The commitment of the IMF, the World Bank and WTO in this process is very positive. "


It is necessary to open the discussion


For all the Workers' Delegates to the ILO, the question is posed: Should the ILO go even further in the direction of the "Washington consensus" and become the instrument of the "social dimension" of the decisions of the G20? This would pose a challenge to its very existence.


Or, on the other hand, should we not preserve and defend the ILO as a tool for the development of conventions and standards, points of support for workers at the international level? This means to return completely to the system in which the conventions, once ratified by the States, become binding on governments and employers. More generally, this question is posed to the workers' movement at the international level, particularly concerning the inalienable right of workers to have trade unions that are independent of employers and states to defend their interests.

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UNITED STATES


The U.S. Auto Crisis:
The Carrot and the Stick

By HAL SUTTON

The carrot and the stick. In 1886, Jay Gould boasted that he "could hire half of the working class to kill the other half." Times have certainly changed. The Obama administration's auto industry task force is now seeking to hire nearly half of the workers at two of the nation's largest automobile manufacturers to simply go away.

Do the math. The Obama administration has provided Chrysler with $3.5 billion in Debtor in Possession financing while the company remains under Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection and has promised another $4 billion once it emerges as a restructured company under the management of Fiat. Chrysler is seeking to entice seven thousand workers to voluntarily leave the company with buyout offers of roughly $100,000.

The Obama administration's auto industry task force is seeking to restructure the industry to accommodate a market of 10 million to 12 million vehicle sales per year in the United States, rather than the 17 million to 18 million sales per year that were achieved in the not-so-distant past. This is why Chrysler is seeking to pay seven thousand workers $100,000 to simply go away.

The carrot and the stick. This is also why the Obama administration's auto industry task force is seeking to effectively nationalize General Motors at a cost of approximately $70 billion. General Motors wants 21,000 of its workers to simply go away. However, the carrot (reportedly a paltry $25 thousand) is not yet nearly as enticing as the one offered to Chrysler workers. This is certainly likely to change as General Motors follows Chrysler into Chapter 11 bankruptcy at the behest of Obama's auto industry task force.

With the nation's, indeed the world's, financial institutions in a continuing state of disarray, the Obama administration has assumed the responsibility for operating the nation's auto manufacturing industry and delegated it to its auto industry task force. This assemblage of financial experts has been forced to assume effective control of a multinational corporation that, in the not so distant past, was the largest manufacturing concern in the history of the world.

Obama's auto industry task force has already forced the resignation of the CEO of General Motors as well as key members of its board of directors. With the imposition of vastly more stringent fuel economy standards (the CAFE standards) upon the nation's auto manufacturing industry, the Obama administration has also effectively dictated the sort of vehicles that will be produced in the United States by all concerns.

In a classic example of "lemon socialism," the United States is expected to own roughly 70 per cent of General Motors when the company has emerged from its anticipated restructuring under the Chapter 11 bankruptcy code. The UAW presently has 60,000 members at General Motors. Obama's task force is seeking to reduce this number by about 21,000, once the dust has cleared from the company's bankruptcy proceedings.

The carrot and the stick. The 200 or so workers who occupied the facilities of Republic Windows and Doors in Chicago last December were offered no carrot. Only the stick. The pioneering UAW members who occupied much of General Motors' facilities in Flint, Mich., for more than a month from December, 1936-February, 1937, were offered no carrot. Only the stick. As they gazed across the street into the barrels of machine guns deployed by National Guard troopers, the sit-down strikers must have felt secure in the knowledge that machine-gun bullets could not penetrate the sturdy walls of factories that were built in their time. Or perhaps they didn't really care. In any event, those heroic forebears of contemporary auto workers held fast in their resolve, refused to budge, and struck a blow for human dignity that asserts a tremendous force to this very day.

The enormity of the carrot that has been offered to Chrysler workers reflects the enormity of the fear of the ruling class of the enormous power of the UAW. It also exposes the enormity of the betrayal of the leadership of the UAW International Union in refusing to mobilize this enormous power in the face of the onslaught of international finance capital upon its members.

The UAW members who accept the carrot are heading into a future that is absolutely uncertain.

Along with continued job insecurity, they will face sweatshop conditions every day that they are on the job. The attendance policy in their renegotiated contract is so Draconian that many UAW members feel that it is designed to facilitate the company's efforts to terminate the employment of a large number of highly paid workers, enabling it to hire new workers at a wage scale that does not support a middle-class existence (which includes all workers hired following the ratification of the 2007 contract).

Once the carrot has been removed, having completed its task of removing 7,000 workers from a restructured Chrysler Corporation, the remaining workers will confront only the stick. It was murderous sweatshop conditions - particularly a lethal heat wave during the summer of 1936 - that induced the UAW pioneers at General Motors and Chrysler to conduct their historic sit-down strikes in the months that followed. Perhaps the grueling working conditions that should prevail in America's restructured auto industry will provoke a similar response. The entire labor movement must support any sort of action that is taken by UAW members in defiance of the absolute no-strike clause that is contained in the renegotiated contracts.

Finance capital's assault on America's auto workers is the spearhead of an assault on the entire working class, as the world's ruling elite attempts to shift the entire burden of its crisis onto the backs of the toiling masses in all countries. The working class must answer this assault with the struggle to advance an economic program that meets the needs of all of society, rather than the requirements of business enterprises that depend upon the profitability of a bankrupt system for their survival.

In the United States, workers must demand that their union leadership call a Congress of Labor encompassing all labor organizations to formulate a program that meets the needs of all workers, agree upon a plan of action to advance its demands and establish a Labor Party in order to embark upon the struggle for the sort of true workers' government that could implement it.

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Hal Sutton is a member of UAW Local 1268 retirees chapter (for id only).

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ITALY

With workers and activists at the Fiat plants

Turin and its workers are in turmoil. Thousands of people depend on their jobs at Fiat. The fate of Italy is at stake. On May 16, 2009 Fiat 15,000 workers from across Italy protested, in response to the call of the FIOM and all other federations of metal for the blocking of layoffs.

The situation is dangerous for the workers: a war without thank you was expressed to their union by the banks and the U.S. government. Trade unions were encouraged to become shareholders to implement the destruction of jobs and collective contracts. It began at Chrysler: the union of the American automobile sector became a shareholder at 55% and 20% in Fiat. This is under way with General Motors and Opel.

In this regard, Vittorio DeMartino, Secretary of the FIOM-CGIL at the Mirafiori plant in Turin, gives his views on the situation: "The union cannot become a shareholder, as the union did in the United States. It's against our constitution. However, Bonani, national secretary of the CISL (Catholic), has called for just this. If he comes to tell the workers, he will see their reaction! This is what divides us. I am for negotiations with the leadership of Fiat, but on the real problems: the blocking of the layoffs, wages. The union must retain its independence. "

It is in this situation that was held on May 28 at the call of the list of candidates in provincial elections a public meeting with a hundred people present.

Capitalists and the European Union want to push the working class into chaos, but activists have come together to organize resistance.

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Discussion at the factory gate of Mirafiori

"If they close Mirafiori, the heart of Fiat stops beating"

We are at the door of Mirafiori, where the excitement is palpable: there is both the one hand, all the delegates of the FIOM, and, secondly, the electoral slate "Sinistra e liberta ' which was doing publicity for the European elections. We promoted the discussion for unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs.

A FIOM union activist for more than 20 years: "The division of the unions is linked to the demands defended. There is division because two unions signed the reform of national collective agreements. We have not signed. The capitalists have pushed the Maastricht Treaty. This allowed the layoffs and relocations. I do not understand that the left-wing parties do not speak. A turn is needed! "

Other delegates came to the discussion. One delegate, Nina, was introduced as a fighter by his colleagues: "The leftist parties are split. This division has deserted us. There is the right government, which transmits the selfishness of people. We need a strong left, which can put its differences aside and looking for points of agreement such as the ban on redundancies and no plant closures."

Ugo, his colleague, who said he was also an activist of the Communist Refoundation Party, concurred, adding that his party would have to fight also for the prohibition of dismissal: "It's not because it is difficult that we should not try. "

The next day we met again with Passarino Pietro, a member of the management of the FIOM-CGIL in Turin.

Though he was very busy, he took the time to talk. He said in summary: "The Agnelli family (owners of the Fiat group) wants to get rid of the car. About 2 million cars are produced annually, only 600 000 to 700 000 are manufactured in Italy. They can therefore be produced elsewhere.
If you take away Mirafiori, Fiat's heart stops beating.

The FIOM led the CGIL to change position and to reach a common independent framework by refusing to sign the reform of the national labor code. This has changed things, because there was a risk of integration of the CGIL. This position enables us to resist.

"Civil society" has wreaked too much havoc in the labor movement. We must understand that this leads to consensus with the bosses. For those who are proponents of "civil society", there are no conflicting interests of classes, for them, the Fiat boss and the workers have the same interests! It is not only the PD (Democrat Party, NDLR), which states that the capitalists and workers have common interests, but also other parties on the left. We must therefore return to the class struggle. It is clear that the union cannot become a shareholder. It must remain in the field of negotiation and not co-management."

"What political representation for the working class?"

One hundred participants in the meeting for the provincial election
"Unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs"

In the meeting held on Thursday evening, there met trade unionists, parents, many young people ... In short, a sample of this working class that is rising up! Amongst others among the activists who were present, there was a shop steward, a militant communist candidate on the slate of his party, a worker on strike for two months against the closure of his plant, candidates from the slate ... This was a small-scale meeting of the political forces that are being germinated in the depths of the working class.

Lorenzo Varaldo explained the framework of this meeting: to adopt, based on 1,300 signatories around the appeal "Unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs," an open letter to all parties claiming the defense of workers to launch a call to mobilize for a ban on layoffs. This would pave the way for a committee to build an independent party of workers, opening a way out of all these union activists, who noted that the working-class lacks a political representation.

It was Andrea, a worker at Saint-Gobain, who began. Since March 17, when the management decided to close its plant, all workers have occupied it, in unity with their trade unions. Andrea says:
"We fought together with the unions. It was our best effort: we were in Milan, Paris, the ministry in Rome ... This worked: Today, management has informed us that the plant closing was canceled, but there will be a strong staff restructuring. This was a small step forward, but it is not a victory compared to what we asked for: no layoffs. The fight will continue to keep our jobs. In two months of tenure, I learned to fight with my colleagues and with the unions. We learned to know each other. It has faced many problems, but we built a unity in struggle based on the fact that we did not want any layoffs."

At the end of the meeting, Andrea signed the open letter to left-wing parties for the Prohibition of Layoffs and joined the committee for the construction of an independent workers' party: "I do not accept the division of left-wing parties, I want to fight for unity."

Alberto is a trade unionist in education, and this did not prevent him from discussing the problem of Fiat: "Obama has set up a task force. It is a military term that aims to compel the unions in the auto sector to sign agreements for the destruction of workers' rights. Marchione, head of Fiat, is the agent of American capital to make unions in Europe accept the same type of agreements. We are building support for a policy to help trade unionists to resist. "

Albert Dal Pozzolo explained the political contribution of the ILC concerning the struggle for unity led by the POI from the first national conference for the unity on December 7, 2008 to the conference of May 15 and 16, 2009.

Kristian is militant of the PDCI and a candidate in provincial elections on the slate of his party. He explains the meaning of his approach: "I'm here because there is a basis for achieving unity: the prohibition of layoffs, the defense of public schools, the defense of national collective agreements, the defense of the Constitution." At one point, he insists on the question of Europe: "The European Union is capitalist, a union of banks and speculators. In Europe, there is no room for movement and it is no longer possible to believe in a good Europe. "

Finally, he wondered what could open a way forward: "It could be unity of all political forces who oppose this European model. There is an emergency: the treaties of Maastricht and Lisbon destroy working conditions and workers. They should therefore be repealed. They cannot be reformed. We cannot act within the framework of the European Left, which has adapted to the Maastricht Treaty. "

He signed the call for the parties of the left and looks after the elections to join the Committee for an Independent Workers Party.

Dario is a shop steward at a sub-contractor of Fiat. He is also one of the initiators of the Committee for the construction of an independent workers' party: "I attended the April 4 event in the Rome of the CGIL for a block on layoffs and the defense of national collective agreements. But there is a risk to the CGIL, because there is not left a political force that represents the workers. We must return to the traditions of class struggle, as workers struggled in 1945. That's how we can build a party that defends the working class. "

Betty is a teacher and a candidate on the slate. She explained that she was engaged as a working woman. She found that "in talking with workers to gather signatures for the submission of the list, the problem arose of building a political representation for workers."

She also noted that "the action does not find a political outlet." She believes that "to organize unity for the Prohibition of Layoffs opens a way forward. The party of the workers that we want to build is not just one more party, but a party that brings together all those who are in the camp of the class struggle, unity and a break with the European Union. "


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BELGIUM

"From Liège to Antwerp, thousands of jobs are threatened"

Interview with Philippe Larsimont coordinator of the Movement for the Defense of Workers (MDT)

ILC: The Committee for Unity organized on May 30, together with activists from various backgrounds, a conference for the Prohibition of Layoffs. What is the situation in Belgium?

PL: Between January 1, 2008 and May 8, 2009, nearly 25 000 layoffs were announced. Temporary unemployment has risen by 97% between April 2008 and April 2009. In late April, 23% of workers were unemployed at least one day a month.

And it's not over! Under the Plan, between 2009 and 2011, unemployment is expected to increase by 194,000 in three years from 11.8% to 15.2%, a record since the Second World War. Dozens of companies are already destroyed. Hundreds are restructured. No sector is spared. All regions of the country are affected.
In Liège, while the sector of the steel industry is now under threat, thousands of jobs, not only in steel, but also subcontractors, are disappearing. In Antwerp, at Opel, thousands of jobs are threatened.

ILC: How do workers respond to this situation?

PL: A few months ago, in a subcontractor company that works for the steel industry, the boss gathered the workers to tell them: in three days, I will have no more work for you. Three days later, they were unemployed. Since then, they have all been laid off. One of the concerned workers said: "We have found billions for banks and for us there is nothing." This is unacceptable! At this rate, the whole country is faced with social and economic collapse.

The will to fight is real. It has been demonstrated in many companies where actions took place against restructuring or closures. It was shown again on May 15, where 50,000 workers responded to the call of their unions and demonstrated in Brussels.

But there is no solution if our struggles remain disconnected, worksite by worksite. A union delegate explained: "I do not understand. The workers and their delegations are left to themselves. If we continue like this, we will all fall one after the other. We need a united action to prevent layoffs."

ILC: What role can the conference for the Prohibition of Layoffs play?

PL: Today it is the responsibility of all who claim to defend the interests of workers to take a clear position. Now is the time to build mobilizations to prevent layoffs. That is why our conference calls for the widest possible unity to prepare a national demonstration for the ban on layoffs.

The FGTB has all along stood for the "socialization of major banking and industrial trusts." But the Maastricht Treaty prohibits the implementation of this position. What needs to disappear, is not the position of the FGTB, which is a burning issue, but the Treaty of Maastricht!

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HUNGARY

One Hundred Hungarian Steelworkers address workers at the shipyards of Gdansk (Poland)


Over a hundred workers and activists from Hungary -- with a hundred members of metallurgy, the militants of the ILC and President of Hungarian Workers' Communist Party -- came to speak to workers in shipyards at Gdansk.

In their appeal, they say:

"They hid from us and from workers across Europe what happened on April 29 in Warsaw. On April 29, 2,000 workers in the Gdansk shipyards with their trade union Solidarity demonstrated in the center of Warsaw, against the wishes of the Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, and the European Commission to close the shipyards of Gdansk.

The police had brutally beaten us, sprayed us with tear gas and chemicals by water cannons. Twenty-five members were sent to the hospital. That is the fate that is promised to workers and unions who reject layoffs.

That is the fate that is reserved for those who reject the dictates of the European Commission, which requires the closure of the shipyards of Gdansk in the name of "free and undistorted competition", because they were "using the State "which was consider" illegal" under the Treaty of Maastricht-Amsterdam!

On June 4, in Gdansk, the shipyard workers will demonstrate with their Solidarity local to say:
- No to the closure of shipyards!
- No to layoffs! We want a future for us and our children! We will be with them!

A Hungarian worker will join the delegation of the ILC who will bring to our solidarity to Polish workers. We are in solidarity because, in Hungary, we also demand:

- Stop all the layoffs!
- No to the government measures by Gordon Bajnai, which require, on behalf of the agreement with the IMF and the European Union, the reduction of workers' wages!
- No privatization!
- Cancellation of laws affecting retirees and pushing the 65 years age of retirement (a demand required by the European Union summit in Barcelona in 2002). "

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PERU

Letter from the Peruvian Amazon

Dear friends,

The Peruvian government signed in July 2008 a "free trade" treaty with the United States. This agreement, authorizes the Peruvian Amazon to be delivered to the operation of multinationals.

Today, 44 million hectares of the Amazon have been given over in concessions, particularly to the major oil companies.

For 35 days, the peoples of the Amazon, organized in the Association of Defense, have mobilized for the cancellation of the decrees implementing the free trade treaty.

Last week, the control commission of the Constitution of Congress said that Decree 1090, which allows the "free use" of the Amazon rainforest, is unconstitutional.

The government, in an attempt to break the mobilization of the people of the Amazon, has filed a lawsuit against the main leader, Alberto Pizango. The Minister of Justice stated that the "mobilization calls into question the application of the free trade with the United States."

El Trabajo, the newspaper of militants linked to the ILC in Peru, informed us of this mobilization and the appeal of the peoples of the Amazon and rural workers' organizations across the country for support. They point out that the Amazon forest, which includes Brazil, Venezuela and Peru, contains 30% of the world's tropical forests, 25% of the world's freshwater and 40% of biodiversity.

The uprising of the peoples of the Amazon demands the abrogation of Free Trade Agreement. It is a movement for the defense of the whole nation.

Support for their just demands also requires the repeal of the state of siege that the government has ordered to try to crush the movement.

The privatization of the Amazon is combined with the proposed regionalization of the eight regions in Peru to provide a legal framework to this privatization.

Correspondent of "El Trabajo" (Peru)

 

 

 

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