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A dossier of weekly information published by the
International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples
October 21, 2009
Issue 359
Price 0.50 Euros
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Introduction
France: We are publishing the Statement of the Federal National Council
of the Independent Workers Party (October 17 and 18, 2009) "Until
when will the Sarkozy government be able to continue to destroy everything?
"
Honduras: We are publishing the press release of the National Resistance
Front Against the Coup, on October 15, 2009, and the speech by Juan
Barahona to the Honduran Institute of Social Security (IHSS).
Russia: 2,000 workers and their union reiterate: "We demand the
rescue of our company through its nationalization." You will find
below an interview with a worker, a correspondent of the newspaper Izvestiya
Raboche.
Mexico: We are republishing a statement by the Committee for an Independent
Political Representation of the Working Class, on October 19, 2009.
"The union leaders have the responsibility to call a national strike,
with the support of all social and political organizations that have
demonstrated. "
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Table of Contents
p.1: Introduction
p 2 / 3: Honduras: - Communiqué No. 28 of the National Resistance
Front of October 15
- Speech by Juan Barahona
p 4/5/6: France: Statement of Federal National Council of the Independent
Workers' Party
p 7: Mexico: report of the committee for a political representation
of workers
p 8: Russia: interview with a worker, a correspondent for an independent
workers newspaper Izvestiya Raboche
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Contact
Informations internationales
Entente internationale des travailleurs et des peuples
87, rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis -75010 Paris - France
Tel: (33 1) 48 01 88 28.E.mail: eit.ilc@fr.oleane.com
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FRANCE
Independent Workers Party
STATEMENT OF THE FEDERAL NATIONAL COUNCIL
(October 17 and 18, 2009)
Up until when will the Sarkozy government be able to continue to destroy
everything?
"Banks resume with the madness of bonuses" was a recent headline
of the newspaper Le Monde. For bankers and speculators, business has
resumed. But for the people, for the worker, the farmer, the youth,
the retired, the reality is this:
* Layoffs;
* The collapse of the income of farmers;
* The financial strangulation of hospitals and Social Security;
* Plummetting purchasing power.
Workers, peasants, youth, and pensioners know they do not accept it.
All commentators agree that the government is running the country into
bankruptcy. And yet, despite the rejection of the government in all
segments of the population, the government continues its attacks.
How to understand this?
"The workers do not accept this ..."
Will to act and fight amongst workers is not lacking. There were major
strikes and demonstrations early in the year. There are strikes caused
by layoffs or the worsening of working conditions. The spontaneous strikes
in France Telecom, following the wave of suicides, as well as the marches
of 50,000 farmers on October 16, reflects the rising anger across the
country.
Workers are entitled to ask: "What allows this Sarkozy government
(which received only 11% of registered voters in the last election)
to continue to attack? "
To answer these questions, we must establish the facts as they are.
"Banning layoffs ..."
The fight against layoffs?
For over a year, the Independent Workers' Party has proposed organizing
a united march for the Prohibition of Layoffs. It has participated in
the committees established for this purpose. Several conventions and
national meetings were held, with, in addition to the POI activists,
workers, activists and leaders of all persuasions, some members of the
PC, PS, PG, NPA to say: "Beyond the divisions, let us unite us
for a united march for the Prohibition of Layoffs." The first national
gathering was convened on November 28.
Nevertheless, it is clear that at the summit, leaders of the major "Left"
parties refuse to support this demand for unity for the Prohibition
of Layoffs.
"... Or participate in the Estates General of Sarkozy? "
The leaders of the Communist Party or Socialist Party agreed to enroll
in the Sarkozy proposal of "Estates General for Industry."
The Estates General, for which the Minister Estrosi called "representatives
of our major trade unions - and, through them, you, the workers of France"
to define "with business leaders (...), the major financiers and
the State" a new industrial policy that entails a "new economic
and social pact."
A "new social pact" with bosses who lay off and the government
that supports them (which massively cuts jobs in the public services)?
A "new social pact" to accompany the destruction of jobs?
These "Estates General For Industry" aim to integrate the
trade unions. Sarkozy dared to present such a proposal as arising from
a union leader.
How to understand it was not denied by the latter?
How to understand also that Bernard Thibault said, when 268 of 283
workers at Molex were laid off: "We have saved the industry but
not employment"? For workers, to save the industry but not employment
means nothing! For workers, employment is vital and indispensable!
If the Sarkozy government, rejected by all, continues to attack, is
it not because those who are supposed to prevent him from doing so accompany
his policies?
"How to prevent the privatization of the Postal Service ..."
This government has put hundreds of billions into the hands of the
bankers and speculators. The financial Exchange is thriving again. And
the government even aims to go all the way in the privatization of the
Postal Service and the opening of the railways to increasing competition.
How is this possible?
Concerning the Postal Service, on the occasion of the "vote,"
two million citizens said no to privatization. And after? The government
maintained its law. What should we do? Jean-Marc Ayrault, President
of the Socialist Group in the National Assembly, has submitted a bill
for a referendum, which wasimmediately rejected by the National Assembly.
He then said: "We have demonstrated that the referendum is impossible."
And then? If the referendum is impossible, we should allow the privatization
of the Postal Service?
In turn, Humanity encourages us to hold referendums everywhere, as
"a new form of struggle." Should we, in all areas (e.g. for
pensions), conduct informal consultations that lead to nothing ... and
give a free hand to the government?
Impossible! It is urgent: November 2, the bill comes to the Senate.
The Roquebrun committee, supported by 6,500 elected officials, proposed
to the organizers of the "vote" to organize a united national
march in Paris for the withdrawal of the government bill. Is there another
way to beat back the Sarkozy government?
36,000 jobs are threatened with being cut at the State Civil Service
and 20,000 in the public hospitals ... By calling into question the
status of public sector workers, the government opens the door to the
same layoffs plans imposed in the private sector. And this in the very
process of privatization of all government departments.
"... And to force the repeal of the Balladur -Mauroy-Hortefeux
counter-reform?"
With the draft law on "the territorial organization of France"
based on the report Balladur-Mauroy (a real symbol of sacred union between
a Socialist former Prime Minister and former Prime Minister UMP), the
Sarkozy government wants to go even further. Gone are the equal rights
of citizens guaranteed in the Republic through the Commons! Gone are
the departments and units of republican institutions of the state! And
in the wake of the explosion of the Republic, the destruction of public
services is increasing at all levels.
They want to disrupt everything, creating a "useful France"
and a "unnecessary France," with entire areas managed by boards
of directors of non-elected institutions (public or private).
While more than 800 elected officials of all stripes, in response to
the proposal of the Independent Workers Party are calling to maintain
the unity of the Republic, what do the leaders of the PS and the PCF
say? They say they will oppose Sarkozy and his plans and initiate an
alternative to its policy.
So why is it that in the regions, departments and municipalities governed
by the Communist Party and the Socialist Party, utilities are also privatized,
while government jobs are removed en masse, resulting in strikes (as
in Toulouse or Bagnolet)?
As with the draft law on "the territorial organization of France,"
the Left heads of regions are part of the discussion on its implementation.
Is the "Greater Paris" the spearhead the dismantling of the
Republic? Bertrand Delanoë requested to participate in its elaboration.
"Is this not why the Sarkozy government is still standing? "
Is it not for these reasons that the Sarkozy government, rejected by
all, is still standing?
In election by election, abstention breaks records levels, often exceeding
70%. The vast majority of our citizens - starting with the urban workers
and country - see no need to vote if it is useless. This situation reflects
the seriousness of the crisis of democracy as universal suffrage, and
the freedom of organization, are inseparable from democracy.
The Independent Workers Party fights tirelessly for the unity of the
ranks of the working class and democracy. The Independent Workers Party
has not and will not raise any pre-conditions around unity for the demand
to ban layoffs. Similarly, it has raised not precondition for unity
for a national demonstration for the withdrawal of the bill to privatize
the Post Office. Similarly, it has not raised any preconditions for
the achievement of unity for the withdrawal of the Bill of territorial
reform.
"If the parties who claim to defend the working class and democracy
want to find a solution..."
If today the parties who claim to defend the working class and democracy
want, as they say, to open a political solution consistent with the
expectations of workers, they should, logically, fight for:
* The Ban on Layoffs;
* Return to the monopoly for the Post Office of France Telecom, SNCF,
EDF-GDF;
* For the withdrawal of the Bill of territorial reform.
It is clear that they have not done this. How are we to understand
how they refuse to fight to block the government policy? How are we
to understand how they refrain from challenging the European Union and
its directives?
How are we to understand that they have given up the slogan that was
once that of all the Left parties in our country: the repeal of anti-democratic
institutions of the Fifth Republic?
For the POI, the rescue of the population requires the full emancipation
from the yoke of these anti-democratic institutions.
The means fighting to prevent bankruptcy and economic collapse, politically
and socially. Simple measures, that are perfectly feasible can be implemented,
starting with the confiscation of the 420 billion euros available to
capitalists and their use for a plan of economic reconstruction, linked
to the ban, pure and simple, on layoffs and return to public service
monopolies.
"For a true political democracy, a sovereign constituent assembly
..."
To all the parties who claim to speak for them, workers are entitled
to call for them to mobilize. To these parties, workers are entitled
to say: "No support can be given to Sarkozy, the European Union
or the requirements of employers and speculators. Only a real government
in defense of the working people and youth will be able to meet these
expectations. "
For us, the Independent Workers Party, this perspective is linked to
the demand for establishing a true and genuine political democracy.
It means rebuilding, from top to bottom, and restoring the foundations
of genuine democratic institutions. Restore the foundations of the gains
the one and indivisible and secular Republic, heir to the French Revolution.
And this is part of the broader context of the fight for the Union of
free peoples and free nations of Europe, breaking with the institutions
of the European Union.
It is in this spirit that the Independent Workers Party advocates the
election of a sovereign Constituent Assembly, where delegates of the
people would decide themselves what should be truly democratic institutions.
They could take emergency measures - such as re-nationalization and
the return to public services.
Workers and young people, you who are going through a difficult situation
because of the policy implemented by leaders who, in fact, reinforce
the failed regime instead of fighting it...
Workers, youth, you who miss no opportunity to demonstrate your willingness
to fight for your legitimate rights, in strikes, demonstrations, factory
occupations ...
The Independent Workers Party invites you to participate in the preparatory
discussion to its Second Congress (January 22, 23 and 24 in Paris).
For the Reconquest of democracy and the Republic.
For a Ban on Layoffs.
For the protection and recovery of all workers' and democratic rights.
The biggest battles lie ahead.
Join the Independent Workers Party!
****************************
HONDURAS
[We published below Communiqué No. 28 of the National Front of
Resistance Against the Coup (October 15, 2009) as well as the speech
by National Front of Resistance leader Juan Barahona on September 16
in front of the Honduran Institute of Social Security. ]
Communiqué No. 28 of the National Front of Resistance Against
the Coup
(October 15, 2009)
"The Resistance Has Not Renounced, and Nor Will It Renounce, the
Struggle for the Constituent Assembly!"
The National Front of Resistance Against the Coup states the following
in relation to the deliberations of the Commission of Dialogue established
at the request of the Organization of American States (OAS):
Our comrade Juan Barahona has withdrawn from the Dialogue Commission,
also knows as the Guaymuras Commission. Comrade Barahona participated
in this Dialogue in the delegation of President Zelaya as a representative
of the National Front of Resistance Against the Coup.
The delegation of the perpetrators of the military coup, in an intransigent
act to impede the progress of the negotiations, sought to paralyze the
Dialogue by refusing to accept that our representative be allowed to
sign, while expressing his deep reservations, Agreement No. 3, which
calls for abandoning the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly.
By expressing this reservation, we wanted to note that our Front has
not given up the fight for a Constituent Assembly, because this demand
is the demand of the Honduran people.
Refusing us to express our reservation on Agreement No. 3 was just a
maneuver by the putschists -- as they themselves, in an earlier meeting
and in relation to another point of the Dialogue, had asked to sign
the agreement while also stating their reservation for the record on
another matter under discussion. It was just an excuse to block our
role in this process. We decided therefore not to play into this maneuver,
which is why our representative has withdrawn from the negotiating team,
thus leaving President Zelaya free to replace Brother Barahona with
another representative who has full confidence. Thus, Attorney Rodil
Rivera Rodil has been appointed by President Zelaya's Committee to replace
our representative on the Dialogue Commission.
- What this means is that the National Front of Resistance Against the
Coup is leaving the Guaymuras Dialogue and that we will continue the
fight in the streets for the demands that we have put forward since
June 28, 2009: "Return to the Constitutional order, Reinstatement
of President Zelaya in his presidential duties, and the Convening of
a Constituent Assembly."
- We declare that we will respect the decision of our president if he
decides to sign the Agreement of San Jose, including with its all conditions,
and we declare that we are in total agreement with him regarding the
requirement that the putshcists sign an agreement that declares that
they will step down from power and that the function of President of
the Republic will be restored to President Zelaya.
- We warn the perpetrators of the coup that if an agreement is not signed
that reinstates Zelaya to the presidency by October 15, the resistance
movement will initiate actions to denounce the electoral farce they
intend to organize next November 29.
- We appeal to the popular sectors to redouble their efforts to defeat
the military-corporate dictatorship and to demand an end to the repression,
the repeal of decrees that restrict constitutional guarantees, the release
from prison of all political prisoners, and an end to censorship and
the reopening of Radio Globo, Channel 36 and all other independent media.
"AFTER 108 DAYS OF STRUGGLE, NOBODY HERE SURRENDERS!"
Tegucigalpa, October 15, 2009
********************
"The Constituent Assembly Is a Right of the People That We Cannot
Abandon"
[Speech by Juan Barahona to the Honduran Institute of Social Security/IHSS
in Tegucigalpa, on Sept. 16, 2009 -- the day after more than 600,000
people joined with the National Front of Resistance to celebrate Honduran
Independence Day, while only 9,000 people, mostly military personnel,
assembled in the capital city's soccer stadium with the de-facto government
of Micheletti to celebrate the national holiday]
The reality is that they could not stop the workers yesterday because
it was a day off, and the workers united with the people. They came
with us, they joined the resistance. Yesterday the coup plotters suffered
a defeat.
We should feel optimistic and happy with this massive mobilization in
Tegucigalpa, even in the smaller towns; we far outnumbered them!
Yesterday's massive mobilization tells us, comrades, that the triumph,
the victory of the Honduran people is near. We will go straight to victory
with the return of President Zelaya and the convening of the National
Constituent Assembly.
The Constituent Assembly is already a right of the people. It is a right
that we can not renounce. The right to the Constituent Assembly is a
right earned, and the powers-that-be will not be able to stop it.
This Constituent Assembly opens the road to the social transformation
of Honduras, which is why we are fighting for it. It points the way
toward the kind of change we have fought for over many years. Today,
with this coup, the oligarchy has accelerated, in a contradictory manner,
the demands for profound social transformations on the part of the Honduran
people.
We are heading toward a new dawn. We're going to a victory made possible
by these 81 days of struggle, and by all the forthcoming days when we
will be in the streets. Today marks 81 days since we began this struggle,
and nobody here has given up or is giving up! We have endured these
81 days, and no one is demoralized or sad, because being sad means falling
into depression and nobody here is sad. We have all embarked on this
struggle with great motivation; we are motivated by the approaching
victory. That is why we cannot abandon the resistance, we cannot abandon
the struggle that we began on June 28.
Comrades, with the victory of the people, we will get rid of the neoliberal
model that oppresses us, which has stripped us of state assets through
privatizations. We will reverse the privatization of all enterprises.
They will belong to the people again! The lands that were seized from
peasants by the landlords will become again the social property of the
peasants.
In this fight we will define the system to be adopted: What type of
healthcare system do we want for the people of Honduras? What form of
education do we want for the people of Honduras? That is why we are
fighting, comrades.
Today in public hospitals we have to pay for a consultation. We are
given a doctor's prescription and we then have to buy all the medicines.
We have to pay for X-rays. We even have to buy gauze and bandages. That's
what we're going to change, comrades. We must never forget what we were
fighting for.
Do not think that we are fighting just to reinstate President Zelaya?
With that we will have resolved nothing, because President Zelaya is
slated to step down on January 27, 2010. We are fighting for a Constituent
Assembly that will stay with us. We are fighting for a Constituent Assembly
that will give us a new Constitution of the Republic. That is why we
fight. Don't forget why we are fighting.
The oligarchy organized the coup d'etat because they didn't want a fourth
ballot; that is, they didn't want a ballot in the June 28 election that
polled the people on whether or not the call for Constituent Assembly
should be placed on the November 29 ballot.
They didn't want the people to give their opinion on the Constituent
Assembly -- but now all the Honduran people are demanding a National
Constituent Assembly. That is why we are fighting, comrades. We are
fighting for the Constituent Assembly.
The next elections are up in the air. These elections may not take place,
and even if they occur, the candidate who will be elected will be rejected
by the people of Honduras and by the international community. We cannot
elect a president who is the continuity of the coup regime. Do you think
this coup regime will give us a democratic president? Never!
They organized the coup to prevent the democratization of our society.
We lived in this country under a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, a
dictatorship of the oligarchy. This dictatorship was the creation of
the Liberal Party, the National Party and the Armed Forces. It is the
creation of all those who have governed this country for more than 100
years.
When they organized the coup on June 28, they did this to put a halt
to any democratic processes or openings, as they felt that any democratic
opening threatened their interests and privileges -- and now the people
have understood.
We will continue our struggle for democracy in Honduras, with a participatory
democracy, where it will be the people who lead, who will decide their
fate, their future, where the people will say what they want and what
they don't want.
For too many years now, we have been subjected to an oligarchy that
does not want the people to decide their fate because these oligarchs
are accustomed to their economic and political privileges, and to their
stranglehold over political power.
They looted the country. They looted the public coffers, enterprises
and resources over many years. All the millionaires who financed the
June 28 coup got rich on the backs of the people; they plundered the
people. It is for all these reasons, comrades, that we must move forward
to victory, to the Constituent Assembly -- a Constituent Assembly that
will not be hindered by anyone.
So I ask you comrades: Do you agree that the Constituent Assembly should
be stopped? [The people shout, "No!"] So we must fight for
this Constituent Assembly and defend it, because this Constituent Assembly
will pave the the way for a real change for our society. This is where
we will decide what kind of society we want, what kind of democracy
we want, what type of economic model we want, what kind of system we
want. That is what the Constituent Assembly is all about.
That's why this battle of the resistance will not stop, now or ever!
We'll take up anew the mobilization we have embarked upon these past
81 days of continuous resistance. Nobody can stop this fight, comrades.
Neither battalions, nor the police with their rifles, pistols, clubs,
shields, tanks, or tear-gas. Nobody can stop this fight! Do we agree?
We are moving forward in the direction that the people have decided
today because we have a higher goal. We are moving forward to a better
destiny, to a new nation.
We are fighting to leave to those children who walk with us today or
who marched yesterday in the massive mobilizations, a new nation, a
nation with dignity and a homeland for all. It is for these future generations
that we are fighting.
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MEXICO
Declaration Number 1
October 19, 2009
Committee for an Independent Political Representation of the Working
Class
More than 300,000 workers and youth in defense of the nation, say:
- No to the liquidation of the LyFC [public energy utility]!
- No to the disappearance of the SME [Mexican Electrical Workers Union]!
- "The country is not to be sold, it is to be defended!"
The union leaders have the responsibility to organize the national
strike, with the support of all of the social and political organizations
that have protested.
Thursday, October 15: More than 300,000 people marched from the Angel
of Independence to the Zocalo in Mexico City in defense of the Mexican
Electrical Workers Union (SME) and in defense of the national power
company Luz y Fuerza del Centro (LyFC). Contingents came from the STUNAM,
SITUAM, CNTE, Bachilleres, workers from the INAH, from the Energy department,
miners, pilots, baggage carriers, workers from the IMSS, from the metro,
students from UNAM, IPN, UAM, Bachilleres The march exceeded all expectations!
"SME, SME!" and "Here, you see, the strength of SME!"
were some of the chants sung by the contingents.
These chants have a specific content: Mexican working people and the
nation will not accept the destruction of a nationalized company, they
will not accept the destruction of union collective bargaining agreements.
The entire organized labor movement, its rights and its conquests, are
at stake here. The interests of the nation are at stake.
An incredible combativeness ran through the march. The Zocalo was full
of enthusiasm and the will to struggle. Even after the meeting was over,
workers and retirees of the SME and members from other contingents kept
filing in from the Avenida Madero and 5 de Mayo entrances.
It was a demonstration that expressed in a moment the unity of the unions
with the social and political organizations and with the National Movement
in Defense of the Popular Economy, Oil and Sovereignty, led by Lopez
Obrador, whose contingent was prominent in the march.
It was a unity around the critical problems that were expressed on a
sign that said: "No to the decree of the extinction of the LyFC.
The nation is not for sale!"
In a rally that concluded the enormous demonstration, Martin Esparza,
secretary general of the SME, expressed the power of this immense gathereing,
"It is an enormous movement that was begun today. They have to
give us back the company, they have to give us back our collective bargaining
contact. They speak of privileges. The average monthly salary of a utility
worker is 6,600 pesos, while that of the director of the company is
240,000 peses. Here in Mexico we have the capacity to make this company
work. We are not going to accept its liquidation."
The representative of the Miners Union, in addition to reminding the
crowd about the terrible measures the government had taken against the
miners, proposed the formation of a national front of unions to confront
the government. Agustin Rodriguez, secretary general of the STUNAM,
returned to the proposal for a national strike which Martn Esparza had
raised throughout the movement.
In more than 10 states in the country there were demonstrations of support
for the SME.
Nonetheless, the Calderon administration, to which the masses of workers
gathered in the Zocalo directed the chant, "Out, Out!" refuses
to take any steps back from the action against the LyFC and the SME.
These actions are considered by many union leaders to be a coup against
the working class and the nation. The slogan of the government is "liquidate
it and then we'll see."
The intention to destroy the LyFC and the collective bargaining contract,
the layoffs of 44,000 workers and the attack against 25,000 retirees,
is a qualitative elevation of the Calderon administration's offensive
against the Mexican people and nation. Among the examples of this offensive
is the liquidation of the retirement system for state workers in the
ISSSTE, the counter-reforms of national oil conglomerate Pemex, the
"Alliance for Quality Education" to privatize the education
system, the establishment of a state of violence with thousands of dead
on the pretext of a war against drug trafficking, the Plan Merida, the
North American Free Trade Agreement that is destroying industry and
agriculture, etc.
And one can add to all of the aforementioned the 2010 budget, a budget
of war against working people.
The government intends to make a leap towards policies of barbarism.
It's going after the collective bargaining contracts and the nationalized
companies. Its going after wages and employment. The spokespeople for
Calderon say that 6600 pesos is a "privileged" wage! According
to them it must be reduced in order to be "competitive."
The demonstration of Thursday, October 15 shows that unity is possible,
and that the unity of the workers and unions, along with the social
and political organizations, as with the Lopez Obrador Movement, is
necessary. As one electrical worker said in one of the many discussions
that are happening in the streets and in workplaces: "The union
leaders must organize the national strike, they need to set the strike
date now!"
The Committee for an Independent Political Representation of the Working
Class, formed by union organizations, workers and leaders, is promoting
a campaign in defense of wages and employment. This Committee believes
that today this campaign must be focused on the defense of the LyFC
and the collective bargaining contract, and of the 44,000 laid-off workers
of the SME.
The Committee for an Independent Political Representation of the Working
Class is proposing to work together with the electrical workers to promote
the formation of committees in defense of the SME, employment and wages.
Signatures:
Follows dozens of signatures of leaders of the
Committee for an Independent Political Representation of the Working
Class
*********************
RUSSIA
2,000 workers and their union reiterate:
"We demand the rescue of our company through its nationalization"
Interview with a worker, for an independent workers newspaper, Izvestiya
Raboche
ILC: What is the situation in the AvtoVAZ plant in Togliatti (105,000
employees) after management announced 26,700 layoffs, in agreement with
the ex- official union ASM?
A rally of the independent union of Edinstvo took place on October
17. It brought together again 2,000 people (1). In this rally spoke
a former union leader of Edinstvo who is now deputy to the Duma (Parliament),
Anatoly Ivanov, as well as factory workers, representatives of political
organizations. The various unions of the city also attended.
The factory radio in recent days told workers not to go to the meeting,
announcing that he was not authorized by local authorities. And on Saturday,
October 17, workers were invited to come and work for double pay on
the assembly lines of the Lada Kalina.
Yes, yes, the leader of the "yellow union" related to management
Karaguine Nicolas took the floor to denounce the rally and called on
workers not to go there. As for the suggestion on the assembly line
of "Kalina," it attracted it has about 200 workers, mainly
very young workers who come from villages around Togliatti, and who
are not union members. The fact that they have responded to this offer
is due to purely economic considerations, not political. The day before,
the militia (police) of Samara arrested Grigorii Issaev (2) and his
friend Viktor Kotelnikov, who were preparing to attend the meeting.
Kotelnikov was quickly released, while Issaev was not released until
October 17, to prevent him from attending the meeting. Two other activists
who spread the newspaper "Democracy at VAZ" were also arrested.
ILC: In these difficult circumstances, how was the rally?
A resolution was adopted, addressing the Government of the Russian
Federation. It proclaims: "We are told: stay calm, do not frighten
foreign investors, everything will be settled at the top. We categorically
disagree with that. (...) Today we declare that we will not wait patiently.
We require the rescue of our company through its nationalization. "
The resolution concludes by reaffirming the demands of the meeting
of August 6: "Nationalization without re-privatization, union workers'
control" by adding other demands, such as a return to the workweek
of 40 hours.
Interview by Dominique FERRÉ
------
Endnotes
(1) 2,000 workers already gathered in a union rally on August 6
(2) Grigory Isayev: labor activist known in the Samara region, arrested
by the KGB and sent to camp for 6 years in the 1980s.
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