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Intern@tional Information n° 62January, 20th 2004 Content Introduction A contribution of a member of Brazil’s Workers Party presented at the 12th convention of the French Workers’ Party. Declaration of the international campaign “for labour rights in Iraq and against occupation” Italy “Wildcat” strikes against wage freeze and worsening working conditions Subscription.
IntroductionIn this issue of International Information, we are publishing the Declaration of the international campaign “for labour rights in Iraq and against the occupation” to trade union activists across the world. The declaration addresses all the national trade unions, local branches, all the union members, all those that support labour rights across the world. It asks them to support the setting up of an international labour delegation that will travel to Geneva next March 15th, to ILO headquarters asking ILO, in accordance with its responsibilities, to lodge a formal complaint and to lead a thorough inquest into the situation of labour rights in Iraq. During the coming weeks, “International Information” proposes to inform regularly on the developments of that important campaign. This issue also features a contribution by a member of Brazil’s Workers Party. It was presented at the 12th convention of the French Workers’ Party that met in Paris on January 16th, 17th, and 18th 2004. Finally, you will be interested to read about the letter from Italy about the “wildcat” strikes that workers from various sectors of activities launched against wave freeze and worsening working conditions. “International Information” has decided to acquaint you of these documents; doing so, it once again brings its contribution to the struggle in defence of labour rights, to the fight against war and exploitation, for peace and democracy, to the development of exchanges and fraternal relations that unite the organisations and the activists that side with the struggle of the ILC. Support International Information Subscribe now.
Brazil : “The Workers’ Party must be kept as it was built” This contribution by Edison Cardoni member of the Workers’ Party of Brazil, member of the ILC, was presented before the 12th convention of the French Workers’ Party. Dear comrades, Every day, the sufferings endured by workers in every country are becoming harder and harder. Workers are doggedly trying to hold their ground and fight back, as is shown by the Swedish people’s NO vote at the referendum on the European Union, Eastern European workers’ determined defence of their gains linked to social ownership, the mobilisation in Palestine, the refusal of Iraqi people to have their territory occupied by US troops; that is also shown by Corsican people’s voting against regionalisation; also by the recent upheaval in Bolivia where workers and people overthrew President Sanchez de Lozada to prevent national gas from being sold out to imperialism. Those are just a few examples. The reason why workers have, as yet, been unable to put an end to the policies imposed by imperialism is that their forces are divided and scattered; that comes down from the top. That is the reason why the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples was set up in 1991 in Barcelona: to help build unity against war and exploitation. We are not in any way competing with trade unions and the other organisations that the working class has built to help in its struggle, we have set ourselves the task of regrouping activists of every political trend through practical actions in defence of the rights of workers and peoples to fend off the blows dealt by capitalism. In 1991, right when the ILC was being set up, Iraq was being showered with bombs, during the first Gulf war. We stood side by side with the exploited and the oppressed, against imperialist aggression. Twelve years later, in 2003, the ILC members in the US brought their contribution to the stand taken by numerous unions affiliated to the AFL-CIO against the second invasion of Iraq. With others, they jointly organised the coalition US Labor Against The War. That
movement which regroups trade unions that represent over three million
members, called and participated in powerful demonstrations in the
United States itself against the invasion of Iraq and now, they are
rallying around a slogan that should be taken up by all those who stick
to democracy and to the defence of nations’ sovereignty and of the
right of peoples to self-determination: “Bring the troops back, now” But
there is another war going on against labour rights; its main weapon is
“free Trade Agreements” as is the case of FTAA (Free Trade Agreement
of the Americas) that should come into force by 2005. Last December, in
Sao Paulo, the International Workers’ Entente jointly organised a
conference against FTAA and for Labour rights, with trade unions and
labour organisations of all the Americas, together with trade unions and
labour organisations across the Americas. Many union leaders from several countries brought their testimonies, which allowed the Conference to come to these conclusions: FTAA is no alliance of peoples, just as with your European Union, actually it is an alliance of multinationals against the workers and peoples of the whole continent. United States and Mexico’s workers have already experienced NAFTA and the disaster it wrought. Mexico has been turned into a corn, wheat, soybean and other goods importer, Maquiladoras have spawned as deregulated labour and generalised lower wages have spread. In the United States itself, NAFTA has caused the loss of 700 000 jobs, labour rights have been undermined by bosses’ outsourcing blackmail. We had a debate and we also came to the conclusion that the so-called “FTAA light” which they were trying to sell us as a concession by Bush, is anything but “light”; quite the reverse, it meets the US bosses’ schemes all the way. What is “FTAA light”? You know that a ministerial conference was held in Miami purposing to take measures in order to establish FTAA. Faced with the rifts between governments, the Brazilian government’s representatives came up with a solution: to adopt a coverall resolution stating that everyone agreed to continue negotiations to establish FTAA by the January 2005 deadline. Meanwhile, it left each country responsible to negotiate or not on a “bi-lateral” or “multi-lateral” level to speed up the completion of free trade rules. The differences being settled in the WTO framework. This means a “two-tier” FTAA. The same commitments were repeated last week during the Chiefs-of-states- meeting with Bush and Lula. After the Miami meeting, the US representative had stated: “We have shifted from FTAA in theory to FTAA in practise”. What we are told is “FTAA light” aims at confusing and splitting up the movement that joined together from the North to the South of the continent to reject FTAA. Our Conference contributed to this struggle by calling on the workers and peoples across the continent to make March 20th international day of action against war, a day of action against FTAA that would be continued by the May 1st marches. Other initiatives were taken and, on this basis, we set up a continental liaison committee whose activity will be reported on every month in ILC bulletin “International Information”. Dear
comrades, With
my comrades in Brazil, I contributed to the movement that built the
Workers Party in Brazil in 1980. It is as a Workers’ Party activist
that I became a member of the ILC. I
know that the situation in Brazil is in the front light. In October
2002, 53 million young people, landless peasants, workers, public
service workers, together voted “Lula for president”. They were
determined to get rid of the IMF’s policy that had been implemented by
president Fernando Henrique Cardoso during eight years. When those 53 million voted Lula, they voted for:
Today, what is the policy of Lula’s government? Of course, nobody was expecting every problem to be solved overnight. There was pressure on the part of the IMF and of imperialism, the situation was not simple; that can be understood. But what are the adopted measures pointing to? Are they geared to fulfilling the people’s demands or are they adjusted to imperialism’s demands? We have some elements of answer. The first great draft bill addressed the continuation of the “reform of the retirement pension system” of public service workers; those went on strike during two months and massively marched in Brasilia; some 100 000 marched once. Besides, in December, the government endorsed a further agreement with the IMF while stating: “despite all that has been done, we are still facing an important programme of reforms” and it promised the IMF “a working relation that will remain closely co-operative”. The new budget overdue is set at 4.5% of the GDP. What are the consequences of that policy? Within the lapse of one year we have:
Something
is grossly shocking: how the issue of land and of the millions of
Brazilian people deprived of land has been treated for a year. The
Minister of the agrarian reform in Brazil is called Rossetto. He is a
member of the trend that regroups the Brazilian friends of activists
well known here: Krivine and Besancenot. Within a year, less than 10 000
families have been awarded a plot of land, much less than what Cardoso
did last year. What is more, Cardoso opposed the agrarian reform. During
the year, 71 landless workers have been assassinated. Nearly twice the
number of murders committed the previous year. All
that came as a shock to Workers’ Party leaders and rank-and-file.
Pulling down the “Previdencia” came as a shock to public service
workers, one of the party’s main social bases. This
policy is starting to undermine our Worker’s Party. It is not by
chance that during last December 13th and 14th party
meeting when the majority of the leaders agreed to that policy, four
MP’s that had voted against the reform of the retirement pension
system were expelled from the ranks of the party. One
of the Workers’ Party’s major leaders, Aloisio Mercadante said: “Those
who do not support our government’s positions shall have no place in
our party”. Obviously, this is a major turning point. Imperialism demands that the government and the Party’s executive go down the whole way. To quote a former President executive manager of Citibank: “PT’ism is best under seven feet deep of earth”. That has to be achieved if the debt is to be paid, if FTAA is to be imposed, if all the gains and conquests are to be overthrown so banks’ and multinationals’ profits grow fatter. The decisions taken by the leaders of the Workers’ Party mean the party is in the sway of the government itself in the sway of the IMF. But,
on the reverse, for the best interests of workers, the struggle has to
be organised so the IMF’s policy be defeated as the people demanded
during the 2002 elections. Against all those who wish “PT’ism in
its grave”, the Workers’ Party has to be kept as it was built. That
is why, right after the exclusions were pronounced, we set up the
“Movement for independent Workers’ Party, independent from the
bosses and the IMF, true to its origins”. What
does this movement propose? To organise the struggle against the ruin of
the Workers’ party; this means struggling for the demands as was the
basis of the election of Lula, therefore mobilising workers against the
consequences of IMF plans. To quote the founding charter, the Workers’ Party was built to “be the true political expression of all those exploited by the capitalist system, a Party of the workers, not a party to betray the workers”. On behalf of that party, the movement just created states that it is not possible to accept that peasants should still be shot dead by vigilantes, whereas the latifundiaries still own the land; that the youth should still be driven to drug peddling and to holding casual jobs; that public services should still be wrecked while money still flows into paying the debt. Finally, in the name of the Workers’ party of the origin, we do not accept that there should be a single path to tread for the Worker’s party government and for the party itself, meaning toeing the line set by the IMF. More than ever, the people need a Workers’ Party independent from the bosses and the IMF, a party true to what was written in its founding charter. More than ever, we have the right to demand that the Lula government break from the bosses and the IMF. More than ever, we have the responsibility to call on those who fought and secured Lula’s election, we ask them to organise in order to defend their right to use their party, independent from bosses and the IMF. That is not only a Brazilian issue, it springs everywhere across the world under various guises; it is being debated in your convention I have been attending with the utmost interest since yesterday. Thank you.
Italy : Wildcat strikes, the situation is radicalising among tramway workersAfter the December 10th tram-driver strikes in Milan that went beyond the limitations set by anti-strike legislation (minimum service, TN), that brought trams to a day-long standstill and that stopped only when the prefect commandeered them, the workers in that sector mobilised again with a day-long strike on December 15th. Then came the turn of workers in Genoa who downed tools on December 19th, bringing the whole service to a standstill. But the tram-drivers’ mobilisation is not the only sign that struggles are getting fiercer. On December 17th, Alitalia workers at Fiumicini, went on a wildcat strike that stuck 90 flights to the tarmac. Right after, a demonstration was staged outside the airport. “Workers have mobilised like the tram-drivers, against the decision to freeze the pegging system of wages on inflation, a decision already put into practice in April 2002” Roberto Maroni (Minister of social affairs) says he is worried “the situation running out control of those who managed or are managing the conflict. I think that the show of force with trade unions is heading towards disastrous results”. But Alitalia workers struck not only for their wages but also against restructuring plans of the firm that “hones out the costs in order to retain a top place on the market and with its partners”. What does the plan devise for the future? “Downsizing costs even if it means chipping off the workforce that is considered as oversize. 1 823 jobs should be shed heading towards a total 3 100. A further 1 226 jobs could be subcontracted. That means that one would continue working for Alitalia but in an independent firm with different work-contracts that would likely be much worse”. Comments on this situation own that “all the sectors are witnessing drives to go way beyond the anti-strike norms”. The government’s reaction is to claim that a new, more stringent anti-strike law is necessary. The following day, “La Stampa” announces that supermarket staff, white collar and service workers are on strike. Here too, workers walk out to get their contracts renewed and wages raised, “but the core matter is casual labour” says Marinella Meschieri, secretary of the national Filcams Cisl: “our opponents, not only wish to implement N° 30 law on labour market (Biagi Law – T.N), but they want to tighten it in a sector where the degree of flexibility is nowadays already very high. We have always given consideration to the requirements of firms – now, 80% of the workforce are part-time workers on a basis of eight hours a week”. That is what giving consideration to the requirements of firms brings about. (.) But who is responsible for that situation, unless it is the right wing and left wing governments, who, in a similar way, passed all the laws favouring casual labour? Who is responsible if not those who implement the Brussels directives that decree those laws? Should it not be said loud and clear that only a government that would break from those directives would be able to open a way to fulfilling the legitimate demands of workers? What is the meaning of the phrase, “we must have a peaceful future” if one does not break from those who generate uncertainty and spread it? If one does not clearly say: “Down with that government that took the Biagi law! Repeal that law and all the measures on flexible work already endorsed by the centre-left”? Interview of Paolo Lupi, ATM bus driver in MilanFirst, I should like to understand the true motivation of the strike. The press has given out that you are on strike to demand a new work-contract, which would be quite legitimate. But, actually, things sound more serious. Aren’t you striking to have a contract, endorsed two years ago, respected? Paolo Lupi: That is correct. It is a contract that has not been respected. Wages are an important issue but it is not all. Our working conditions have gone from bad to worse these last years and the situation is now explosive. Especially here in Milan, we have always fought for higher wages but also for better working and living conditions and better quality work. For instance here in Milan, we had secured the 36-hour workweek. Then, Alberini came and imposed 39 hours … paid 36. We are giving away three hours of our work. I should like to know what worker can accept such deteriorated conditions. That is not all. Jobs with interruptions have gone from bad to worse. In our sector there has always existed a job with interruption. In a way, it is quite normal because at some times in the day, very few people travel, therefore fewer means of transports are needed. There are also peak hours during which numerous workers must be available. But, an interrupted 36-hour workweek is very different from a 39 hour one paid 36! For instance, I used to work one day, say, 12 noon to 4.30 p.m. and go back home – because our work-week allows much flexibility, what is important is to work an average 36 hours a week (today 39), over 17 weeks – another day, I used to work a longer day with an interruption. But now, with the 39 hour week, I very often must work from 12 to 4.30 p.m. and then go back to work at night. Now, we have to work on May 1st, which was quite unheard of, the same is true with the afternoon of Xmas day! We have lost 5 days of rest over the year. We speak of gains that we have lost and we cannot regain. Meanwhile, the euro pulls the price of bus tickets up and up and the euro is now 1 200 liras! What also leaves us speechless is that there is no money to pay the pay raises that were promised but there is money to pay the raises of top executives. The Milan municipality proposed that after two years of failure to pay a contract duly endorsed, a pay raise of 24 euros a month be granted! We reckoned that for these two last years we have lost some 12 million liras. Today, they offer 500 euros to make it up: 24 euros a month. I am not saying that they owe us 5 500 euros, but certainly not less than 2 000! All that has set the conflagration going. How did you take the decision of the December 1st action, since you did not abide by the anti-strike law and you struck all day long? There was an assembly of delegates; 90 were present, from all the trade unions, CGIL, CISL, UIL, even some from the COBAS (institutionalised co-ordination, T.N.) but they were not the most willing ones. Those who were less doubtful were the delegates of the confederations. The trade unions’ secretariats attended. During the assembly, tension was obviously mounting; we knew we were heading towards a momentous decision. So, when the vote came, when the die were cast, the secretariats conjured up a device not to have to take a stand, so it looked as if the decision had not been taken by the trade unions. One had gone out for a smoke, the other to the toilets, another one was phoning. Then the 90 delegates voted and that was that. There was a unanimous agreement. In Cuggiono, a driver, who had not heard of the decision, went driving his bus; he came back speedily, without hesitation, when he knew of the decision. Right away, government, firm, media attempted to rouse opposition among the people, pretending that you were foiling the rules. According to you, how did the people feel about it? People have no opposition. I feel they would all like to do like us. They sympathised. Look, I have come to such a point I would go on strike even for those who cannot go on strike such as firemen for instance. Can you imagine the meaning of a solidarity strike for another sector? Those I talked to think we had the pluck to stamp out a system everybody thought could not be challenged. Even the firm was not quite sure of itself, it did not come to negotiate, it could not be bothered. What do they think they are? The strike showed there exists a force to oppose that system. What is the situation now?Things are in a turmoil; as Xmas is not far away, the firm can possibly weather it, but then, it may not. Something may occur in the next few days. Today I have heard that the CISL reportedly has accepted the agreement. But it must be clear that the rank-and-file are united, we all oppose the agreement as it is now. It must be noted that shop stewards and trade unionists are sometimes viewed with some suspicion; they have privileges, time off on the union. Several of them have climbed up to executive status; that is valid for all of them, including the COBAS though in a lesser way. Things have turned out so. But union activists are coalescing, and mobilising to side with whoever tells the truth, whatever union he belongs to. Two articles from “Tribuna Libera” Newspaper written by activists of various trends, member of the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples. December 2003
Declaration of the international Campaign against the Occupation & for Labor Rights in Iraq:Support our Delegation to the ILO Office in Geneva!Dear Sister and Brother Trade Unionists Around the World: On June 15, 2003, an International Campaign for Labor Rights in Iraq was launched in Geneva at the International Conference in Defense of ILO Conventions and Trade Union Independence by representatives from US Labor Against the War (USLAW), the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples (ILC) and the International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions (ICATU). The signatories asserted their strong opposition to the U.S.-led war and occupation of Iraq and stressed the need for the international labor movement to pursue the fight against the illegal and immoral occupation of Iraq. The Appeal affirmed that there can be no democracy in Iraq if the Iraqi people do not have the right to freely determine their fate and establish their sovereignty over their resources, and if the Iraqi workers are not able to organize themselves freely to build trade unions of their own choice. The Appeal concluded by stating the conveners' intent to organize an international labor delegation to Iraq some time in the fall of 2003 to evaluate the conditions of workers and the status of the labor movement. Dear Sisters and Brothers: In early October 2003, a five-person international labor delegation (two U.S. trade unionists, two French unionists, and an Iraqi antiwar labor activist living in exile in France) traveled to Iraq. It was meant as an initial exploratory tour, understanding that other larger broader-based delegations would be necessary in the future. During five days, the labor delegation met with the top officers from the main unions that had formed, or are in the process of forming, in Iraq. They met and talked with rank-and-file workers, organizers of the unemployed movement, factory managers and representatives from the Interim Governing Council in charge of labor affairs in Iraq today. Among other things, here is what the delegation learned: - Since George W. Bush declared an end to the war in Iraq in April, unemployment among Iraqi workers has reached 70%, facing many families with hunger and dislocation. The U.S. Occupation Authority, moreover, has frozen Iraqi wages for most workers at $60/month, while at the same time eliminating bonuses, profit sharing, and subsidies for food and housing, causing a sharp cut in the income and already deficient standard of living of those Iraqi workers still employed. - Since April, Iraqi workers have begun to reorganize their trade union movement, seeking a better standard of living, and to preserve their jobs and workplaces. At this time, however, none of the main unions in formation have been legally recognized by the U.S. Occupation Authority. - Shockingly, the U.S. Occupation Authority has continued to enforce a law issued by Saddam Hussein in 1987 prohibiting unions and collective bargaining in the public sector and state enterprises where most Iraqis work. - The emerging trade union movement in Iraq is extremely concerned that the U.S. Occupation Authority has announced its intention to privatize the factories, refineries, mines and other state enterprises, selling them off to private owners despite the fact that these enterprises belong to the Iraqi people, not to the United States. The U.S. Occupation Authority, in fact, has just issued a new decree, Public Order 39, allowing 100% foreign ownership of Iraqi businesses and the repatriation of profits. - The Iraqi trade union movement fears the privatization of Iraqi workplaces will result in the massive layoff of Iraqi workers, at a time when unemployment is already at crisis levels. The union movement is most concerned that the U.S. Occupation Authority is in effect making it illegal for Iraqi unions and workers to organize at the workplace to oppose privatization or have any voice at all in the future of their own jobs. Dear Sisters and Brothers: On October 24-25, USLAW held a National Labor Assembly for Peace in Chicago. After hearing a report-back from the two U.S. trade unionists who traveled to Iraq, the delegates from unions across the United States pledged to conduct a multifaceted labor rights campaign that includes a call for Congressional hearings into the violation of basic labor rights under the U.S. Occupation Authority. On an international level, it is the responsibility of the International Labor Organization (ILO), which is based in Geneva, to conduct an investigation into the situation of labor rights in Iraq. That is why we call on all trade union federations, national and local unions, union members and supporters of labor rights the world over to register their support for Iraqi labor rights and to endorse an international labor delegation from our Campaign that will travel to Geneva in the coming weeks to deliver our conclusions and our appeal to the ILO officials. We call on you to support us in demanding that the ILO file a formal complaint, and conduct a full-scale investigation, into the situation of labor rights in Iraq. Join us in calling for full trade union rights in Iraq, for immediate nullification of the 1987 Hussein law banning unions in public enterprises and for repeal of any other restriction on the full exercise of labor rights. Join us in demanding that ILO Conventions 87, 98 and 138, guaranteeing the rights to organize and bargain collectively and prohibiting child labor, be implemented immediately in Iraq. Join us in our demand that the Iraqi economy not be privatizated by the Occupation Authority, and that the people of Iraq be allowed to decide for themselves, without any foreign interference, the future of their country and the structure of their economy and disposition of public assets. Join us in our pledge to continue the fight to end the U.S. occupation of Iraq, so that Iraq can be governed by and guarantee the rights of its own people, labor rights included. Please endorse this Declaration and join us in this important campaign for labor rights in Iraq. In solidarity, Bob Muehlenkamp, Co-Convenor, USLAW; Gene Bruskin, Co-Convenor, USLAW; Amy Newell, National Organizer, US Labor Against the War (USLAW); Alan Benjamin, San Francisco Labor Council & USLAW; Clarence Thomas, Exec. Bd., ILWU Local 10; Northern California Chapter, Coalition of Black Trade Unions; USLAW Delegate to Iraq; David Bacon, Labor journalist, USLAW Delegate to Iraq. Hacene Djemane, General Secretary, International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions (ICATU); Amar Takdjout, General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA); Louisa Hanoune, Spokesperson, Algerian Workers Party; Subhi Toma, Iraqi antiwar labor activist; member, labor delegation to Iraq; Ibrahim A. Gandour, General Secretary, Sudan Workers Trade Unions Federation (SWTUF). Daniel Gluckstein, Coordinator, International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples (ILC); Olivier Doriane, Workers Party (France), Marie-Claude Schidlower, International Women's Commission, ILC; Jean-Pierre Barrois, Antiwar labor activist; member, labor delegation to Iraq (France); Didier Schein, Trade unionist; member, labor delegation to Iraq (France); Luc Deley, Hosting Committee, International Conference in Defense of ILO Conventions (Switzerland); Alexandre Anor, Socialist Party (Switzerland). Contact Information: - US Labor Against the War, PO BOX 153, 1718 M Street, NW, Washington DC, 20036, USA. E-mail: info@uslaboragainstwar.org; website: http://www.uslaboragainstwar.org - International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions, 213, rue Bagdad, PO Box 3225, Damascus (Syria). Tel. : (963 11) 445 95 44 - Fax : (963 11) 442 03 23. E-mail: icatu@net.sy - International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples, 87, rue du Faubourg-Saint-Denis, 75010 Paris (France). Tel.: (33-1) 48 01 88 28. Fax: (33-1) 48 01 88 36. E-mail: eit.ilc@wanadoo.fr and ilcinfo@earthlink.net; website, ILC section of http://www.owcinfo.org ------------------------------------------------------- Please Add My Name to the List of Signatories of the International Declaration Against the Occupation and For Labor Rights in Iraq [ ] I am endorsing in my own personal capacity. You can list my union and title for identification purposes only. [ ] I am endorsing in the name of my union. You can list my union as an endorser of this Declaration NAME_________________________________________________________________ UNION (list if for id. only)____________________________________________________ TITLE (list if for id. only)_____________________________________________________ ADDRESS_______________________________________________________________ CITY___________________________________________________________________ STATE________________ ZIP CODE_________________ COUNTRY________________ EMAIL ______________________TEL & FAX (please list country code)_______________ ( please fill out and return to: info@uslaboragainstwar.org , icatu@net.sy , eit.ilc@wanadoo.fr , ilcinfo@earthlink.net )
Campaign against the Occupation & for Labor Rights in IraqGeneva, 15 January, 2004 Attention: Mr. Juan Somavia Director-General, International Labour Bureau CH 12-11 GENEVA, Switzerland Dear Mr. Director-General, I write this letter in the name of the International Campaign Against the Occupation and For Labour Rights in Iraq, which was constituted last June in Geneva, to request that you receive an international labour delegation organised by our Campaign. The intent of our delegation is to present our deep concerns about the state of labour rights in Iraq to the International Labour Bureau (ILB). We wish to present you and the ILB with a Memorandum on this matter that was put together on the basis of documents and interviews that we have gathered in the recent period, including during our recent international labour fact-finding delegation to Iraq. The Preamble of the Founding Charter of the ILO states the following: "Universal and lasting peace can only be founded upon social justice; existing labour conditions result in injustice, poverty and deprivation for a great many people, creating such discontent that universal peace and harmony are endangered. ..." It was therefore quite natural that as early as 28 March 2003, the International Labour Bureau, in a declaration concerning the war in Iraq, was able to affirm: "History has taught us that wars have far-reaching ramifications that affect people's lives, going beyond those directly involved in the conflict. The loss of lives on all sides will represent a tragedy for families everywhere and disruption of economic activities in the region will jeopardise the sources of income for millions of workers. In this situation, the founding principles of the ILO, based on social justice and protection of workers, respond to the needs of people who will be affected by the war." This declaration affirmed, moreover, the measures the ILO would be called upon to take in the coming period: "In response, the ILO is taking a number of emergency measures as part of a UN-wide initiative on Iraq designed to address immediate needs, through an action plan to protect displaced workers, assess the needs of the job market after the conflict, and launch a number of reconstruction projects designed to create jobs and ensure adequate social protection for vulnerable groups." For its part, the Workers' Group of the ILO, in the course of the 91st Session of the ILO in June 2003, declared, in a resolution on Iraq: "The Workers' Group believes that in the rehabilitation exercise, support must be provided for all the people of Iraq, especially the poor, the disabled and vulnerable groups. The Group calls for the immediate resumption of work for all Iraqi workers, with due protection for their wages. It also demands that the oil resources of Iraq be used solely by the people of Iraq and exclusively for their benefit. In the new Iraq there must be, consistent with ILO standards, full freedom of Association guaranteeing the Iraqi workers the right to organise and to bargain collectively; there must be true democracy with full civil liberties, permitting trade unions to choose their own leadership independently and without interference; there must be the right to self-determination by the Iraqi people." From 1919 to the beginning of the 1980s, Iraq ratified 57 ILO Conventions. In the International Appeal that launched our campaign, we pointed out the following: "Those who launched the war against the Iraqi people speak about democracy, but democracy requires that the workers be able to organise themselves freely. Democracy presupposes the existence of independent trade union organisations. The workers or Iraq urgently need trade unions to fight for their interests. They must be able to organize themselves freely to build unions of their own choice. These basic labour rights, these anchors of democracy, have been codified in International Labour Organisation (ILO) Conventions 87 and 98." That is why, on the basis of all these considerations and all the facts we have gathered regarding the state of labour rights in Iraq -- and given that the Administrative Council of the ILO will be meeting in mid-March -- we are hereby requesting that you receive our delegation on Monday, 15 March so that we can present to you our Memorandum and discuss its content with you -- all with the aim of helping to ensure that ILO Conventions 87 and 98 will be ratified, implemented and enforced in Iraq in the interest of the Iraqi workers. Awaiting your response, and thanking you, in advance, for your attention to this urgent matter, Sincerely, Luc Deley, Swiss Organising Committee International Campaign Against the Occupation and for Labour Rights In Iraq
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