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ILC INTERNATIONAL NEWSLETTER NO. 76
A dossier of weekly information published by the International
Liaison Committee for Workers and Peoples
April 27, 2004
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To contact us:
ILC International Newsletter
International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples
87, rue du Faubourg Saint Denis 75010 Paris, France
PRESENTATION:
This issue of our newsletter opens with an important communiqué
from the Commission of Women Workers of the ILC about the liberation of
Theresa Béatrice Mengue, a union member at Camrail who was arbitrarily
jailed nine months ago in Cameroon. It is a first victory. Nevertheless,
the fight must continue until she is formally acquitted of all charges
by a local court.
This liberation also encourages us to pursue and amplify the campaign
for the liberation of 13 leaders of the UGTG trade union federation who
were handed harsh sentences in Guadeloupe. We publish the account of the
press conference of the International Committee Against Repression in
Paris on April 16, as well as the letter addressed to the President of
the French Republic, Jacques Chirac.
Next June 12, at the European conference in Geneva, militant workers
will gather from numerous European countries, where they are engaged in
the fight against the attacks on all public services, and against the
attacks on workers' rights and social gains by instruction of the
European Union.
Besides a contribution on the nature of the European Parliament we
publish the following this week:
- From Portugal, a manifesto written on the occasion of the 30th
anniversary of the revolution of April 25, 1974
- From Italy, a letter of invitation to a national conference "For
the withdrawal of the reform of the Constitution, and for the rupture
with the Treaty of Maastricht" that took place on April 24
- From France, a "Manifesto of Alarm" launched by 300
unionists of the CGT and the CGT-FO who met in Paris on April 3, a
delegation of which will be present in Geneva
- From Ukraine, an article from Our Position the newspaper of the
Ukrainian Borotba (The Struggle) about the privatization of public
transportation by the municipality of Kiev.
In the context of the International Campaign Against the Occupation and
for Labor Rights in Iraq, you will find excerpts from the Draft Labor
Code prepared by the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions in Iraq.
Support the fight for the International Liaison Committee of Workers and
Peoples.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
p. 1: Presentation
p. 2: *Mengue Therese Beatrice freed in Cameroon
*Labor Code- draft by the Federation of Workers' Councils in Iraq
pp. 3 to 6: European bulletin:
p. 3: European Conference June 12, 2002 in Geneva
p. 4: 30th Anniversary of the Revolution of carnations. Portugal
p. 5: For the withdrawal of the reform of the Italian Constitution,
invitation to the conference of April 14, 2004 in Italy
p. 6:A delegation of the "alarm manifesto" will participate at
the June 12 conference
p. 7: No to the privatization of public transport in Ukraine
p. 8: The ICAR demands the liberation of the militant unionists of the
UGTG sentenced to prison terms in Guadeloupe
* Subscriptions
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CAMEROON
Commission of Women Workers of the International Liaison Committee of
Workers and Peoples
Communiqué
Mengue Therese Beatrice, unionist at CAMRAIL, has just been released
Our correspondent from Cameroon reports:
"To all those who led and continue to lead within the ILC the fight
for liberty: comarade Mengue was freed on April 22, 2004 after nine
months and seven days of arbitrary detention. We thank you in the name
of the greater family of Cameroon unionists and of the CGT-Liberté in
particular.
Your pugnacity... and your sense of solidarity as well as your knowledge
of the fight led to this victory that we are dedicating to the ILC.
We won an important battle but the final victory is still to come,
because Mengue Béatrice is still pursued by the court and the first
audience will take place on May 14, 2004. We ask you to continue the
fight until she is finally acquitted by the court.
For the emancipation of the workers and peoples, the fight
continues."
The Commission of Women Workers of the ILC appealed on March 8, 2004,
International Women's Day, to increase the telegrams and positions taken
before the Cameroon authorities to go to the embassies and demand the
liberation of Mengue Béatrice.
Along with the unionists of Cameroon, we thank union organizations,
militants and democrats who throughout the world and especially in
Algeria, Germany, Spain, United States, France, and Switzerland, acted
for the immediate and unconditional liberation of Béatrice Mengue.
Béatrice Mengue had been arrested and imprisoned arbitrarily for her
union activities, in defense of the rights of workers at CAMRAIL. She
has just been released.
She continues to be pursued by the court. Along with the unionists of
Cameroon, we invite you to continue the fight, to address Cameronian
authorities from now until May 14, date of her first court appearance to
demand the cancellation of all proceedings and the full acquittal of Méatrice
Mengue.
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IRAQ
Considering it is up to the Iraqi workers and their freely
constituted organizations to define their demands and to negotiate their
rights, we are certain that labor activists around the world will note
with interest the Labor Code prepared by the Federation of the Workers
Council and Trade Unions of Iraq (FWCTUI).
It refers successively to: "Working hours and age of retirement;
working conditions and security in the workplace; women's working
conditions; Salaries; absences and vacations; social security and
insurance; fines and penalties; the right to organize; the right to
strike and demonstrate." We publish the first article and part of
the second article of the proposed Labor Code:
Draft of Labour Law Proposed by the Federation of Workers'
Councils and Unions in Iraq
General Principles:
To meet the basic life and work-related needs of workers, the Labour Law
should be based on the principles described bellow. These principles
apply a modern standard to:
· Wage rates, working hours, work leaves, social welfare and insurance,
conditions of professional safety and work hazards, retirement age, and
heavy labor occupations.
· Political rights and union rights of workers to form labour
organizations, go on strike, and hold general assembly meetings.
Article I: Working Hours and Retirement Age
Section 1. The immediate introduction of a maximum 30-hour work week
(five 6-hour working days), with a 25-hour work week in heavy
occupations. Included in the working hours is the time spent for lunch
breaks, commuting, taking showers, literacy classes, technical training,
and general assembly meetings. Also included is a periodic reduction in
the number of working hours every five years.
Section 2. Prohibition of overtime. Prohibition of forcing workers to
accept overtime hours, including the prohibitions of justifications such
as preventing a disaster or other emergency situations.
Section 3. The retirement age for women and men will be 55 years, or
upon the completion of 25 years of employment, whichever comes first.
For heavy occupations, 55 years or after 18 years of employment,
whichever comes first.
Article II: Working Conditions and Workplace Safety
Section 1. Assurance of a safe and healthy workplace by minimizing
health and safety hazards in the workplace, without regard to cost. The
most advanced equipment and technical resources in the world will be
made available to workers. Periodic medical examinations will be
provided to workers to protect against occupational hazards and
illnesses. The examinations will be performed by medical providers
independent of employers, and financed by employers and the state.
Section 2. Prohibition of assigning heavy work to pregnant workers, or
to workers whose health would be at risk owing to their specific
physical conditions. Every worker has the right to refuse to perform a
task that the worker considers to be physically or mentally harmful.
Section 3. Prohibition of firing. Full remuneration will be made, at the
same level as the last pay received, to workers whose workplace is shut
down, and until new employment is found. The state has the
responsibility to find comparable employment for workers who lose their
jobs due to the closure of a business or enterprise. Vocational (re)training
will be financed by the state for workers whose profession or line of
work becomes obsolete due to technological advances.
Section 4. Prohibition of piece-rate work such as piecework and contract
work.
Section 5. Prohibition of child labour. Prohibition of the employment by
a business of children and youth under the age of 16.
Section 6. Prohibition of night work. Double-rate pay will be provided
to professions that require night hours, such as health care providers,
electricians, firefighters, etc. Night jobs are defined as jobs
performed at any time between 6 p.m. and 6 a.m. The employment of any
worker in more than one night shift will be prohibited.
(to be continued)
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For peace, democracy and workers' rights
For the free and democratic union of the free nations of EUROPE
European Conference
Geneva, June 12, 2004
Next June 12 labor activists from throughout Europe who are
committed to the fight for the defense of workers' rights, social
conquests, and public services targeted by the directives of the
European Union, will meet in Geneva. We publish in this issue documents
from our correspondents in Portugal, Italy, France and Ukraine, who are
enrolled in the preparation of this European Conference.
In the heart of the preparation for this conference a question arises in
all countries: Is it possible to preserve the rights and workers'
conquests, the public services, the foundations of democracy? This
question is even more pressing now as the heads of state of the European
Union at their summit meeting on March 25 and 26 re-launched the project
of a "European Constitution."
To prepare the European Conference and some weeks before the European
elections, it seems useful to allow each one to judge from the facts by
publishing these informative documents.
This week we publish a contribution on the nature of the European
Parliament. The only function of the European "Parliament": to
apply the Treaty of Maastricht.
The only function of the "European Parliament:" to apply the
Treaty of Maastricht.
The European "Parliament" contrary to any other
parliament, doesn't have any right of initiative: all legislative acts
that it debates are necessarily written by the European Commission that
enjoys a monopoly of proposals (1). As the European Commission is the
"Guardian of the treaties," " it exercises its
responsibilities with full independence" since it does not have to
accept orders from "any organism."
These arrangements make the European "Parliament" a subsidiary
organ of the European Commission and the Treaty of Maastricht that
imposes privatization and the opening to competition in the name of
"the principle of a market economy open to free competition."
This subordination to the European Commission is carefully hidden. On
the Internet site of the European "Parliament" (2), the
question of European instructions is not apparent! There are only
"reports" titled with the names of the deputies who presented
them. What are these reports about? They are projected instructions,
regulations all written by the European Commission.
Whether these "reporters" are from the left or the right they
are nevertheless the spokespersons for their peers in the European
Commission!
Even in the rump assembly of France's Fifth Republic, any deputy can put
forward a proposal for a law Š without the government having a word to
say; whether this proposal of law is later placed on the agenda and
voted on is another matter.
The European Commission's right of veto on all amendments
Do the European deputies have at least the power of amendment? Yes.
But these amendments cannot be retained except with the agreement of the
Commission. It has reached the point where the official account of the
proceedings of this "Parliament" only mentions the general
discussion that took place, but not the discussions article by article
that constitutes, in fact, the heart of any in parliamentary procedure.
A European guideline to be adopted definitively must be voted in the
same terms by the European "Parliament" and the Council (3).
However the Council cannot amend a proposition of the European
Commission unless by unanimous vote (whereas a qualified "so-called
majority" suffices for the adoption of most directives.) This means
that the Commission has the right of veto on all amendments. It can
decide to modify a project, at any time, all along the legislative
procedure, if it estimates that the matter is taking a turn that
displeases it.
Conclusion
So, if it cannot write European instructions, and can only amend them
insofar as the European Commission permits its, what is the purpose of
the European "Parliament?" Its very purpose, in the eyes of
the partisans of the European Union, is of extreme importance: to give a
"democratic" appearance to the European directives.
(1) This monopoly of initiative of the Brussels Commission, that is
implicit in the existing European treaties, is written in black and
white in Article I-25 of the European "Constitution" project:
"A legislative act of the union cannot be adopted other than on the
proposal of the Commission."
(2)www.europart.eu.int
(3) The Council that meets several times a month in different
specialized forms (economy, social affairs, agriculture, etc.) is
composed by the minister concerned from each country.
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PORTUGAL
30th Anniversary of the "Revolution of the Carnations" of
April 25, 1974
Presentation:
On April 25, 1974 the oldest dictatorship in Europe fell following a
coup d'etat by an army faction and the movement of the popular masses
that immediately filled the breach.
The workers and the farmers, the Portuguese population, demanded that
all their social and democratic aspirations be met. A Constituent
Assembly was elected and in 1976, a Constitution was written that
contained some of the aspirations. We recall some of the most prominent
features below. The principle of self-determination for the colonies
(Angola, Mozambique and Cap Vert) was also adopted.
But the entry of Portugal in 1986 to the Common Market (today European
Union) was a significant step backward in democratic and social matters.
The Constitution has undergone six counter-reforms, repealing the
agrarian reform and modifying the law on political parties in order to
institute a situation of dependence of these parties vis a vis the
state. At the time of the discussion on the "European
Constitution" that is being reviewed at present the summit in
Brussels considered that the Portuguese Constitution was still
contradictory with the objectives of the European Union, because it
supports national sovereignty over the power of European institutions.
For the Portuguese nation, for the workers and the farmers of this
country, it is vital to reconquer the gains of the April revolution,
notably the full democratic and civil rights, universal social security
and healthcare, the restoration of all public services, etc. All are
strongly threatened by the European treaties.
The Manifesto, excerpts of which we publish below, is the organized
expression of this fight that identifies the aspirations of the majority
of the population. It emanates from over 100 signatories who all played
a role or exercised responsibilities in the process of the Revolution of
the Carnations, starting with ten deputies elected to the Constituent
Assembly in 1975. These are political militants, notably some from the
Portuguese Socialist Party and others from the Fourth International,
union leaders, artists, and representatives of democratic organizations.
Manifesto (excerpts)
The signatories of this Manifesto consider that it is time to make a
turn in the history of the Portuguese people.
The experience of the April Revolution shows that the Portuguese people
have the capacity to rebuild and organize the country in a setting of
liberty and democracy.
Many of the signatories lived through April 25, 1974 -- thirty years
ago. They are among the men and women who sang in the streets about
regaining liberty, affirming, "the people are the ones who can
rebuild everything." They will never forget the liberation of
political prisoners from fascist jails, nor the big party on May 1st, in
freedom.
They are part of those who lent a hand to organize the free and
independent unions, the workers' commissions as well as political
parties, to impose an end to the colonial war and to support the
restructuring of the economy of the country, with the nationalization of
banking, insurance and strategic enterprises from an economic point of
view, agrarian reform, and the creation of new distribution circuits.
They are among those who from the beginning, started to organize
themselves in schools, hospitals, businesses or public administration,
constituting a point of support for the creation of a national health
service, an efficient universal public education system, and social
security for all citizens.
They are proud to be among those who actively intervened in the
democratic processes that led to the rights of citizens, the social and
economic conquests that were inscribed in the Constitution of the
Republic, adopted by the vast majority of Constituent Assembly deputies,
freely elected by the Portuguese people in the elections with the
largest number of voters in history.
Thirty years after this April 25 they note indignantly and with
apprehension that the collective construction of a just country in which
they participated is today questioned again and again, and the hard-won
structures are demolished or dismantledŠ
Privatization after privatization, closure and bankruptcy of companies,
having as its consequence the loss of jobs, insecurity, exclusion and
poverty: that is the real content of the present policies-antithesis of
the April 25, 1974 revolution. A policy that has a tendency to destroy
the national health service, placing it in the hands of private
insurance companies-the very ones that are getting ready to speculate on
the "savings" of the reform; a policy that privileges the
privatization of education and radically modifies work relations,
allowing the elimination of work contracts and the rights workers gained
after April 25Š
But that isn't everything: Even more serious is the constitutional
revision that is on the horizon, that if adopted as the present leaders
conceive it, would introduce into the fundamental law the distortion of
the country that we love and we have helped build after the dark fascist
period. It would also allow, a new legality destined to satisfy these
interest groups, to advance openly, let us say it clearly, towards the
destruction of Portugal as a sovereign, independent and socially just
nationŠ
That is what the signatories of the present appeal ask, today, on the
issue of the separation of powers-fundamental base of any democratic
state-when in practice, the executive commands the legislative, and that
justice makes a clean sweep of its independence, intervening by shameful
means in the political life of citizens.
To debate the implications of the next constitutional revision and to
ward off the dangers and the destructive consequences that would ensue
is a civic right, and is also a duty of the citizenry that no one who
values democracy, liberty and the April revolution is exempt from.
The conviction of the signatories of this Manifesto is that the
perspective to renew April 25 will re-establish the confidence of a
population that is capable to defend what remains positive, to re
conquer what has been lost and to rebuild the bases of a free Portugal,
of peace, development and social justice.
It is with this desire as strong as the spirit with which they
participated on April 25, that they propose to celebrate the 30th
anniversary of our revolution, in support of and to renew it.
It is with the same principles of the April Revolution that they
invite you to a meeting, April 17, in which every one-with their own
ideas about the strategy and way to reconstruct socialism that was
consecrated in the preamble of the 1976 Constitution-can express
themselves to celebrate the thirty years of April 25 and to look for
paths of reconstruction.
-----
The Portuguese Constitution of 1976
The uprising of the immense majority of the Portuguese population on
April 25, 1974, put an end to half a century of corporate and fascist
dictatorship. Born of the exceptional effervescence in April, that
became known in history as the "Revolution of Carnations", and
of the wave of democracy that surged in the country, a Constituent
Assembly was elected a year later on April 25, 1975. The workers'
parties were in the majority in voice as in seats. But all the forces of
reaction in the country formed a league to refuse it a sovereign
character and even the leaders of the PC and the Portuguese PS whose
parties were in the majority, we repeat, rallied to political alliances
with regroupments descended from the old order of things.
The Constitution of 1976 that was finally approved by this Constituent
Assembly included social and democratic conquests of unequalled
dimension in Europe, notably the agrarian reform, the existence of
workers' commission in the factories, the installation of obligatory
public secular education and the nationalization of over 70% of industry
and public services.
These gains, obtained in the fight for democracy brought great
enthusiasm among the workers and the Portuguese population. For
instance, let us mention two articles of this Constitution: "All
nationalizations done since April 25, 1974 are irreversible conquests of
the working class." "The workers have the right to constitute
commissions of workers to exercise the control of the management of the
economy."
This Constitution, which ratified the essential conquests of democracy
and social progress, brought the Portuguese workers closer to those of
other European countries, and helped the constitution of Portugal as a
free and independent nation. It is significant that its preservation is
a major importance in the present situation of this country.
-- Correspondent
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ITALY
For the withdrawal of the reform of the Italian Constitution
For the rupture with the Treaty of Maastricht
For the defense and unity of the country
Historical setting of the conquests of the resistance and the struggles
of workers.
Letter of invitation to a national conference on April 24
Dear friends, dear comrades,
Next April 25 marks a particular moment. As you know, last March 25
Parliament approved on first reading the reform of the Constitution,
that foresees the regionalization and the complete division of our
country throught the supposed "devolution" by which public
health, education, police forces would pass completely to the regions,
all this in the context where federalism is already conferred on the
regions.
All this in an ensemble where federalism, already approved in 2001,
introduced the first elements of disintegration of the health, education
and fiscal system. As we write this text, the Moratti school reform is
starting to be applied in the name of school autonomy and the
"reform" of Title V (federalism) school by school, in total
division. With "devolution" we would eventually be pushed in
this direction, in sync with the norms of the labor market.
As we wrote in our appeal attached hereto, this process entails a very
serious situation that opens the way to the division of our country, to
the creation of these "20 small Italies" announced by numerous
politicians for many years. If this project is not stopped, we will
arrive at the dismemberment of our country and the end of a unique and
indivisible Republic, ratified in the Constitution of 1848.
This "devolution" doesn't fall from the sky
An identical policy of "regionalization" of division and
dismemberment of nations, of destruction of the conquests is promoted in
all European countries by all governments. 115 heads of state and
governments, meeting on March 25 and 26, decided on a plan to go into
depth on what they defined as "task force", a task force to
destroy conquests. It is in this context that one must understand the
agreement taken, always by the European summit, that "an agreement
on the constitutional treaty be concluded on the occasion of a European
summit in June at the latest."
But at the time of the vote of Parliament on "devolution" and
at the European summit on March 26, Italian workers were again in a
unified general strike with their unions to defend pensions, public
education, the conquestsŠAgain surmounting enormous difficulties, they
demonstrated their unity from north to south and their will to resist,
to organize and fight.
It is truly to divide this force, to put into a discount competition the
different regions, to strip the workers, to destroy our conquests, which
are the same from north to south, to defeat resistance, that the
government wants to relaunch the "devolution."
It is for the same reasons that the powers that be are developing in all
Europe this policy and that the European Constitution has been revived.
During the European summit the heads of state and governments noted
there was a great resistance and a real rejection of their policy
emerging in all countries. To this rejection they replied: "The
European Union insists on the fact that the member states must
absolutely act with determination in the sense recommended by the Task
Force."
The goal? To "act with determination," to "accentuate the
reforms in the domain of employment, of health and retirment." To
"act with determination" to "remedy a very important
deficit concerning transposition in national law, in stability
measures," and in particular those that "come from
Lisbon" where we know that it is to "accelerate
privatizations." "Act with determination" to "reduce
the non salary costs of labor so that wages take into account
productivity, to promote forms of deregulated work."
That which was decided in Brussels
All conquests derived from the Resistance, all liberties and
democratic rights gained on April 25, 1945 and the following years are
being thrown into doubt in a fundamental fashion by the
"reform" of the Italian Constitution.
What no one says is that these are instructions from Brussels, the
Treaty of Maastricht, the European Constitution -- that is the root of
this real repudiation of democracy that upsets the living conditions in
all countries of Europe.
These are the directives that have already questioned our pensions
("reform" Dini of 1995), health, public education, which have
led to job insecurity, to attacks against contracts, the calling into
question of Article 18Š
Whether they are from the right or the left, or that they speak more or
less clearly and propose "amendments" more or less, all the
politicians are situated on the ground of the European Union and the
continuation of its policicies.
During the last months our committee opened discussions on these
problems. The debate first settled between the signatories of the appeal
"No to the European Constitution, no to devolution" between
the workers of various sectors, various origins and cities and different
provinces.
Numerous questions have been raised, questions that concern the
significance of the work we undertook, the perspectives, the
possibilities to resist, to bring a real contribution to mobilization,
to the clarification of problems, to the opening of a perspective of a
policy that satisfies the demands that the workers have clearly asked
for over these past months.
We invite you to come to our meeting next April 24, on the eve of the
party of Liberation, to deepen and widen this discussion in the most
open manner possible, to search for common ways for concrete actions,
not only to celebrate April 25 not just a "commemoration" but
by a "national conference" so that one can get to the bottom
of problems and that one sets the bases for the opening of a discussion
and the way to affirm in Italy a truly independent policy, the rupture
with the European Union, Maastricht, the European Constitution,
indispensable conditions to satisfy our demands.
For us, an independent policy is a policy that places on the agenda the
reconquest of the system of "calculation" of pensions,
repealed by the "Dini reform" and that it withdraw all new
"reforms." For us and independent policy means the withdrawal
of all measures of regionalization and dismemberment of public schools,
health and services. For us, an independent policy means remove all
measures of insecurity in the labor market (Pacchetto Treu, Liagi lawsŠ)
and the framing of wages (agreement on the cost of labor, suppression of
the mobile scaleŠ)
We would like to conclude this invitation by recalling what happened in
Spain and France these last few weeks. Less than one month ago, only
three days were necessary for the Spanish workers to overturn the
political situation entirely and get rid of a government that during
eight years lied and decevied the population about everything, one of
the most faithful governments in executing the destructive policies of
Brussels.
Several days later, in France, elections were characterized by all as
the "dismissal" of the Chirac-Raffarin policy, a continuation
of the politics of the previous government of the "plural
left", imposed by the European Union.
All the people of Europe watched what happened in Spain with attention
and hope since again a new hope has been demonstrated by the workers,
the people have the capacity to reverse in apparently desperate
situations.
Come to the Conference on April 24, distribute this letter among your
friendsin in your workplace, in your unions: together we will know how
to find a way to take some steps forward in this direction in Italy as
well.
**********
FRANCE
A delegation of signatories of the "Alarm Manifesto" will be
in Geneva on June 12, 2004
Three hundred militants of the CGT and the CGT-FO, at a meeting on
April 3 in opposition to the dictates and instructions of the European
Union, decided to answer favorably the invitation to participate in the
European Conference for peace, democracy and workers' rights, which will
take place on June 12, 2004 in Geneva.
All unionists are confronted today in Europe and around the world with
multiple counter-reforms. To defend the rights conquered by the working
class, their imprescriptible right to have independent union
organizations is a question that arises in our country, in Europe and in
the world.
It is to preserve unionism and the trade union confederations of our
country that we appeal to sign massively the "manifesto of
alarm", for the unity of the militants of the CGT, of the CGT-FO
and all those who understand the need to defend tooth and nail the
social security of 1945, founded on the differed salaryŠ that wants to
act for the maintenance and the reopening of all beds and hospital
services, against the setting up of a war machine against public
services, general interest services (SIG), at the instigation of the
European Confederation of Trade Unions (ETUC) and the European body of
employers of public corporations (CEEP), that militate against the
regionalization and for intervention of layoffsŠ
For the militants, unity is the means to push back employers,
governments and the European Union.
It is in this setting that the militants of the CGT and the CGT-FO, met
in Paris on April 3, to decided to unite in order to preserve trade
union independence, to launch the massive signature of the alarm
manifesto, that specifies the rejection of regionalization, the refusal
of restrictions on health expenses, the deletion of teaching positions,
research, equipment and in all public sectors, to act. A delegation of
12 militants has been elected in parity between FO and CGT, to
participate in the European Conference on June 12. This delegation will
also participate the following day June 13 in the International
Conference for the defense of the ILO conventions.
Manifesto of Alarm (excerpts)
The workers and the population have rejected the counter-reforms of
the Raffarin government. However, all these counter-reforms, as the ones
previously rejected in April 2002, were without exception dictated by
the European Union.
* The counter-reforms on pensions of Fillon against which millions went
on strike and demonstrated in May and June 2003: This is the application
of the decisions of the summit in Barcelona of March 15 and 16, 2002,
adopted by Chirac and Jospin, that specify in point 32 of the summary of
the findings: "It is advisable to reduce the individual incentives
to anticipated retirement and the setting up by companies of
early-retirement systems... It would be necessary to progressively
increase from here to 2010 by about five years the effective middle age
at which one quits professional activity in the European Union."
* The regionalization and the will of the government to liquidate the
status of civil servants from 140,000 agents of national education (TOS)
and of the Equipment. It is the Europe of regions that organizes the
assignment of structural funds directly to the regions, by-passing the
States...
* The restriction on health care expenses, the suppression of posts in
education, research, equipment, and in all sectors and public services:
it is the application of the Treaty of Maastricht, of the pact of
stability and the criteria of convergence.
What will happen after the elections on March 21 and 28? Liaison
Sociales, the employers' newsletter, replies thus: "Whereas the
result of the regional elections opens the debate on following,
abandoning or softening the reforms, the European Spring Council that
met on March 25 and 26, the heads of State and government of 15, offered
a clearer answer: It is advisable to accelerate the reforms to the level
of the member States." On Monday, March 29, the Director General of
Economic Afairs, Klaus Regling, was just as clear when speaking of
France, he said: "The health insurance reform is a priority in
certain sectors. We cannot delay. They must also continue in other
sectors." It is precisely what Jean-Pierre Raffarin said while
declaring: "The reforms will continue..."
More than ever in such a situation, the workers need independent unions
to concretize in the class struggle the rejection expressed, especially
against regionalization, to defend health insurance, to prevent layoffs,
for the reconquest of unemployment insurance and for the defense of
public services...
But doesn't this need for independent unions conflict with the politics
of integration and co-legislation of the ETUC with the European Union?
At the last European summit, the ETUC was congratulated in the summary
of findings: "The tripartite social summit already associates
closely and in a constructive manner the social partners at the level of
the European Union... It is necessary to make supplementary arrangements
now to reinforce their role in applying the strategy. The European
Council congratulates itself on the will of the social partners to
consolidate their engagement with a new European partnership for
change."
The European Council had every reason to congratulate the ETUC: In the
morning of March 25, in a joint declaration with the tripartite social
summit, the ETUC and the European employers declared "for the
application of the European directives on employment." That is to
say for all the counter-reforms. And in a resolution adopted by its
executive committee on March 17 aand 18, the ETUC invented a new word to
express its subjection to European policies: the "flexicurité".
The policy of employment concerns privatization of sectors and public
services, because in its draft guideline on the Services of General
Interest (SIG) co-written with the European employers of public
administratio (CEEP), the ETUC wrote: "Our project is not
especially a defense of the status quo, we understand the necessity of
an opening to market competitionŠ The SIG has an important role to play
in the setting of modernization and of our economy and the
infrastructure (ports, railroads, airports, bridges, schools,
development zones, health services)Š"And for the ETUC -- as for
the European Union == the SIG can be indifferently "public, private
or mixed enterprises."
From then on the question asked by the whole union movement is this: Can
one defend the threatened labor conquests while sustaining the policies
of the ETUC? This applies especially to health and health insuranceŠ
How can one speak of defending the Social Security of 1945 without
requiring the defense of the founding principle of it, founded on the
differed wage, the restitution and the ending of exemption from
contributions offered to the employers,.the ending of fiscalization and
the repeal of unjust taxes such as the CSG and the CRDS?
This problem faced by health insurance in all domains, since it is not
all about "reforms" improving the fate of workers, but of
counter-reforms destroying all their conquests (the last agreements
signed on professional formation on the legality of the men-women
equality are they reforms or counter-reforms?) In all fields, the
Raffarin government, massively disowned, cannot end the counter reforms
except in seeking to associate in the next few weeks and months the
union organizations and leading them to admit a pretended need for
reforms, at a time what is on the agenda, is a unity to defend the gains
and the demands that the workers need.
The central question of union independence arises in our country, in
Europe and in the world. That is why the political movement of the
Manifesto for union independence allied itself to the International
Liaison Committee for Workers and Peoples.
It is why each year, the Manifesto of the 500 participates in the
international meeting in Geneva for the defense of the ILO conventions
that will be held in June 12 in Geneva. The defense of the ILO
conventions, notably 87 and 98 that establishes the right to freely
organize in independent unions in every country. That is what is at
stake all over the world. To organize themselves freely and independent
of states, employers, and the European Union and their equivalents
throughout the world. It is in this setting and to preserve independent
unionism and workers' confederations of our country that the signatories
of this manifesto appeal to the unity of union militants of the CGT and
the CGT-FO, and all those who will defend tooth and nail the social
security based on differe wagesŠŠ
They demand:
- The restitution of millions of euros exemption from
contributions
- The repeal of the CSG
- The maintenance and re-opening of all beds and hospital
services
- The ending of layoffs
- The maintenance of sectors and public services and the
dismissal of the SIG
- No to all agreements that call into question the right to
strike!
- Refusal of the transfer of the TOS and the agents of the
equipment to the territorial collectivities and refusal of
regionalization!
Unity is the means by which one can overturn the employers, government
and the European Union.
**********
UKRAINE
"No to privatization of public transportation and the increase in
fares"
Read in Our Position the newspaper of the Ukranian workers'
organization Borotba (The Struggle)
The militants of the Ukranian workers' organization Borotba (The
Struggle) will send some delegates to the European workers' conference
on June 12. They have published since February, a bulletin photocopied
every fifteen days. Ukraine is not one of the countries that will enter
the European Union on May 1, as will Poland, the Czech Republic,
Hungary, etc. It is however directly affected by the entry into the
European Union of ten new members. As the article about the
privatization of public transportation in the town of Kiev indicates.
(Our Position).
According to different studies by Ukranian experts, after May 1, 2004,
the part of national exports to neighboring countries in particular
Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia will
decrease by 15% to 40%. The new members of the European Union will have
to denounce the bilateral agreements of free trade in force with the
Ukraine in the proportions fixed by the quotas. The destabilization of
the economic and commercial sphere of the Ukraine leads to a slowing
down to national economic development and in consequence the fall in the
standard of living of the population. And, as in Poland, in Hungary, in
the Czech RepublicŠ the consequences of the "expansion" of
the European Union are new attacks against the social conquests achieved
in the Ukraine from the October 1917 revolution.
Thus in number 2, V.K. a militant worker in Métrostroi (company
constructing the Kiev subway), writes: "The municipality of Kiev
intends to increase fares and the privatize public transportation
"smoothly".
The municipal bureaucrats have demonstrated that these two events are
not connected, yet it is an established fact! The increase in fares is
due to the fact the municipality of Kiev wants to increase the appeal of
public transportation in anticipation of future privatization. The
administration of the town of Kiev intends by the end of this year, to
transform public transportation companies into shareholder companies.
Thus the municipal administration intends to attract funds private
(investments) to the public cooperatives of Kievpstrans, the Métropolitan
of Kiev and the Kievavtodor."
We do not understand why arrangements such as the philanthropy Š and
the publicity expenses of transportation are included in the new fares.
If the city hasn't enough funds to maintain the transportation fleet and
to pay the workers' wages, whereas in the case of privatization what
will occur in the social sphere of public transportation companies.
There are dozens of kindergartens, schools, homes, collective housing,
retirement homesŠWhere will the money for advertising in the subway and
in public transport go? These incomes are not to be scoffed at, as the
bureaucrats try to demonstrate in different ways. These are enormous
sums that add up to dozens of millions of grivnas.
Why doesn't this income cover expenses? Why one fills his pockets with
thousand of dollars and the other has to save in order to pay his fare?
For us workers it is clear that while increasing the fares, those in
power tries to sell for their profit all public transports.
The new owners will destroy public transportation definitely and will
replace it by small lines of public transportation in which there won't
be any preferential tariffs, practically none for the disabled,
pensioners or students.
The privatization of public transportation is the definitive destruction
of the October conquests in the municipal services.
Up until now, the pensioners, veterans, pre-schoolers, the disabled, the
victims of Chernobyl, had the right to a free trip. Schoolchildren and
students had the right to reduced prices. With the privatization of
transportation, these rights and preferential tariffs will disappear or
will be reduced to the minimum.
The workers of Métrostoi, who build the Kiev subways, no longer have a
reduction on fares. And we are not indifferent to the veterans of our
company with a miserable pension have to pay a lot for transportation.
We the workers of the Métrostoi, address the union militants of the
Metropolitan not to yield to the pressures of your union representatives
and the administration of the company. The increase in fares doesn't
affect you (the workers of public transportation have the right to free
trips), but it does affect your families, parents, friends, who have to
pay in order to satisfy the appetites of the nouveaux riches of the
town.
One remembers that the union of the Metropolitan resolved to address the
Kiev municipality and request an immediate increase in fares. Comrades,
this money will not go into your wages! It will go into the pockets of
the management in the purchase of Mercedes and upper class dachas!Š.
The increase in fares affects the ordinary worker first, the workers,
students and they are the essential users of public transportation.
Foreign experience shows that the privatization of public transportation
leads to its destruction, to layoffs of thousands of workers at the
depots, the drivers, the reduction in itineraries, and the number of
vehiclesŠ
Urban public transportation is one of the "islands" of the
conquests of the October revolution that still exists. The privatization
of transportation leads to the destruction of the rights of workers.
That is why we, the workers of M´petrostoi, call all workers and union
militants to unit in the struggle against the privatization of public
transportation and the increase in fares.
No to the privatization of public transportation and the increase in
fares.
**********
GUADELOUPE
13 union militants of the UGTG trade union federation receive heavy
sentences and heavy fines for in fact exercising their union rights
A press conference was held in Paris on April 16, at the initiative of
the International Committee Against Repression (ICAR). (See our issue
No. 75)
We have a stream of trials that end in heavy sentences, explained
Charly Lendo, a member of the UGTG office who mentions among others:
"Michel Madassamy sentenced to a thirteen month jail term, four
months for Luciano Lendo, and also a veritable financial racket that
sentences them to fork out scores of thousands of euros: 150 000 euros
for Gabriel Bourguignon, 50 000 euros for Madassamy, etc.
New trials have already been announced for June 10 and 16, as well as
September 22 that concern four of our militants. All these trials follow
work conflicts. The management of businesses, hotels, automobiles, BTP,
the sugar cane industry, the local cleaning industry collectives, refuse
to conclude some collective agreements, obliging the workers to strike
for several weeks. Not only does management not want to negotiate and
doesn't respect the right of work, but also they provoke the workers by
using police violence.
One example is that of Michel Madassamy who is a leader of the UTPP
(Union of petroleum products workers), sentenced to jail. He had been
dismissed for organizing the truck drivers of this sector and put in
place two collective conventions during the past three years in this
sector of activity, one of the drivers and the other for the salaried
employees of the service stationsŠ
The acts of violence of Texaco, which during the strike had armored gas
trucks escorted by armed personnel rolling through which is completely
illegal and has never been condemned. In the strike at KFC, fast food
company, the work inspector raised a verbal protest and a complaint has
been lodged at the public prosecutor's office against management for
illegal work and non-application of arrangements of the collective
convention. This complaint has not been addressed but on the other hand
new suits against our friends who organized the strike at KFC are
programmed for June. In this situation of non-right and criminalization
of union activities in Guadeloupe, it is clear that the call to the
solidarity of international workers against repression with regard to
the UGTG is very important for us and we thank the ICAR for having
responded to this appeal immediately."
Victor Fabert, member of the council of the UGTG explained the reasons
for this anti-union offensive in Guadeloupe. "The score of
collective-bargaining agreements signed in Guadeloupe are the result of
the union activists of the UGTG and the workers who have fought hard for
this. Every day, dozens of workers come to see the UGTG militants to
defend themselves in the face of employer authoritarianism that
deregulation, insecurity that lays off workers. The workers have
confidence in our organization and they demonstrated it again on March 5
when the UGTG called a strike and demonstration in support of bank
employees and against repression. There are close to 6,000 workers who
paraded at Point-a-Pitre which was equivalent on the scale of
Guadeloupe, to a million demonstrators in ParisŠ Our organization
demands that the official texts be respected, the conventions and
agreements signed, and that the right of the UGTG be respected as the
independent workers' union. We appeal in Guadeloupe and the entire
world, to worker solidarity, to militants of organizations to end the
repression towards our militants and that the sentences pronounced be
lifted, and we sustain the initiative taken by the ICAR to address the
President of the Republic, Jacques Chirac, to that effect."
Gerard Bauvert, of the ICAR office, informed that his committee made the
decision to send a letter to the President of the Republic, Jacques
Chirac. "This letter will be submitted widely for signatures, while
addressing ourselves particularly to worker organizations, because it is
about union freedom, the working rights, the right to strike and the
respect for collective conventions, those of the ILO, to which France is
a signatoryŠIt is about the right of the UGTG as a union organization
to exist and lead its activity of defense of the workers as they see
fit."
Correspondent
The International Committee Against Repression (ICAR)
Addresses the President of the Republic:
Send statements to:
President of the Republic
Elysée Palace,
55, rue Faubourg Saint Honoré 75008 Paris
Fax: 01 42 92 81 17
Copies to:
UGTG
Rue Paul-Lacave 97110 Pointe-a-Pitre (Guadeloupe) fax: 05 99 89 08
70
International Committee Agains Repression
Mrs. V. Melgar, 7, Avenue Berlioz, Apt. 29
93270 Sevran (fax: 01 43 83 50 40)
Mr. President,
If our committee takes on the responsibility of appealing to you, it is
that we estimate that the situation in Guadeloupe is of extreme gravity
and that the exercise of fundamental liberties is questioned.
A wave of repression has recently fallen on militant and leaders of the
general union of workers of Guadeloupe (UGTG) with exceptional
intensity.
Some sentences were pronounced against leaders and militants of the UGTG,
among whom are Luciano Lendo, Armand Toto, Michel Madassamy. Jail terms
of 27 months, 75 months of suspended sentences, 120 159,50 euros fines
or 787 044 F were applied against 13 militants and leaders of the UGTG
union.
Mr. President,
We draw your attention to the fact that these different decisions have
been taken in the flagrant absence of proof, with numerous
irregularities in the procedures. We also inform you that before the
beginning of the trials, numerous arbitrary arrests were made leading to
violence against some of the UGTG militants.
Our committee considers it its duty to denounce these practices, these
sentences constituting a major attack in opposition to the exercise of
union liberties, exercise without which there can be no democracy here.
We estimate that it is about casting doubt on the right to strike, of
the proven violation of the ILO conventions to which France is a
signatory.
That is why, Mr. President, we as you to intervene so that all sentences
against the militants of the UGTG can be lifted and so that union
liberties are respected.
Please receive, Mr. President, the expression of our feelings devoted to
the defense of individual and collective freedoms.
April 16, 2004
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