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THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION
A Contribution by the Bureau of the ILC
(September 14, 2006)
Dear Comrades,
In line with the decisions taken by the participants of the June 11,
2006 ILC Geneva Conference, we have published in the ILC International
Newsletter our first contributions to the ongoing discussion.
The formal and informal documents and speeches of the future leaders
of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) add to our apprehensions
concerning the nature of the trade union unification and the aimed for
objectives. Let us recall the founding congress of the ITUC is set to
take place in Vienna on November 1, 2006.
On July 20, 2006, we wrote: "The creation of a united trade union
organization is a priori a good thing. Nevertheless, a reading of the
published preparatory documents raises several important questions."
The documents published by the Organizational Committee of the ITUC
since July have not quelled our worries concerning the proposed role
and function of the future ITUC inside the institutions of globalization.
In relation to the title and agenda of the new organization, it appears
that the name International Trade Union Confederation has been already
chosen.
Secondly, during the formal conferences preceding the Vienna congress,
the role of the French CGT, acting as a go-between between the unions
that are still affiliated to the World Federation of Trade Unions and
the leaders of the ICFTU and the WCL, constituted into an organizing
committee, has seemed to been determining for the future orientation
of the ITUC.
Nevertheless, it is worth noting that despite the plans of the CGT,
putting forth the special place that they occupied in the Stalinist
apparatus of the WFTU, before 1989, some doubts are being expressed
in this organization. These doubts were expressed at the 15th Congress
of the WTUC in Havana.
*
* *
The draft statutes of the ITUC do not put forward anything particularly
new.
The status of the international sectoral trade union federations, of
the ICFTU or of the WCL, is still not clearly defined. Certain international
federations are unifying.
Things are far from being clear. Important federations, such as the
FIOM (international metal workers union), categorically reject any fusion
with the WCL's corresponding organization. The FIOM envisions the creation
of an international federation that the clothing, leather, furs and
shoe industries.
For its part, the UNI occupies an important space in the fusion process
of international trade unionism. It was its proposal that the ITUC statutes
only recognize one sectoral international trade union federation.
This is an important question. From our point of view, this orientation
heads toward union monolithism. It is possible to envision the ITUC
eventually only recognizing one trade union organization in each nation.
For our part, union pluralism -- which, we repeat, is not contradictory
with unity in action -- is a historic conquest, inseparable from democratic
freedoms.
Will "merged unionism," as supported by the CGT, carry the
day in Vienna?
*
* *
In a document of August 28, 2006, the Organizing Committee of the ITUC
presented a draft programmatic resolution, to establish the political
perspectives of the ITUC for the coming years.
A reading of the draft, confirms the worries we have often expressed
in regards to the ITUC and its relationship with globalization. In its
draft resolution, one finds the following quote:
"It is essential that, to implement the permanent objectives of
the Confederation, the neo-liberal free market policies and the manifest
disrespect for the international community in relation to the current
process of globalization, be transformed into a governance of the world
economy that:
-- Combines the three pillars of sustainable development: economic,
social, and environmental.
-- Guarantees the universal respect of the fundamental rights of workers.
-- Generates decent work for all.
-- Helps to lower mass poverty and substantially lower inequality inside
nations and between them.
-- Encourages growth, with a fair distribution of revenues."
It is worth noting that, not once, does the draft of the ITUC statutes,
evoke the creation of surplus value and its distribution,limiting itself
to the concept of "equality" as per the social doctrine of
the church concerning "what is just," all in the name of the
struggle against inflation and in the name of the defense of the interests
of finance capital.
In the paragraph titled, "Changing Globalization," putting
aside the usual posturing about the need to have a "sustainable
globalization,." the orientation of the ITUC is to integrate into
the structures of globalization as an active member, not as a challenger
to the capitalist system, but based on integrating into it, as a part
of "accompanying unionism."
For our part, we cannot participate in such a project.
We, the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples, think
that workers' unionism means defending the specific interests of all
those who, whatever be their place in the relations of production, more
than ever, and often in awful conditions, are obliged to sell their
physical or intellectual labor power to survive. It consists of mass
class organizations, opposed to the interests of the capitalists, who
buy labor power.
It is regrettable that it no place does the ITUC acknowledge that society
remains divided into social classes with antagonistic interests and
that the role of unions consists of defending the class interests of
its members, that is, the workers.
We will return to this subject before November 1, 2006.
The Bureau of the International Liaison Committee of Workers and Peoples
- September 14, 2006
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Statement by the Bureau of the ILC on the
INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION
(Sept. 22, 2006)
The draft programmatic statutes presented by the Organizing Committee
of the ITUC, as we explained in our last text, dedicates the future
organization to the project of an "accompanying unionism"
in relation to the world globalized economy.
We think that accompanying unionism means "integration" into
the system, as opposed to a unionism that fights against the established
order, in this case, globalization.
The Organizing Committee of the ITUC -- where, it is necessary to recall,
the former president of the ETUC, Emilio Gabaglio, plays a central role
-- declares:
"An effective and democratic governance of the world economy passes
through a fundamental reform of the concerned international organizations,
particularly the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the
World Trade Organization."
The draft resolution continues: "At the same time, all the organizations
should recognize the primacy of human rights in relation to the financial,
commercial, and economic regulations. The governments should assume
in a more serious manner their responsibilities to make them govern
and function perfectly coherently and to cooperate in a responsible
manner to implement the democratically decided-on goals."
Let's look past the rhetoric. Essentially, the ITUC intends to implement
on a world level, and in relation to the nation-states, "the principle
of subsidiaries" already implemented with the European Union and
the treaties it is based on. This is the system that is the model for
the "world governance." Where is the democracy in all this?
In the proposed text, one cannot find a single world concerning what
the "effective and democratic governance of the world economy"
will look like. Nevertheless, we know that this continues to be the
project set forth by the famous Washington Consensus dictated by the
IMF in 1990, which attacks the intervention and role of states, notably
concerning public services, handing over these functions to the NGOs.
These policies have led to ruin and social misery in an important part
of the countries of the Third World, notably in sub-Saharan Africa.
The corrupt leaders have subordinated their countries to the decisions
of the IMF and the World Bank. The growing number of boat-people heading
toward Europe from Africa demonstrates that things have not changed.
Of course, the draft resolution indicates that, for the ITUC, it is
necessary to incorporate in the world exchanges clauses concerning the
rights of the workers, assuring the respect of the fundamental norms
of labor.
For the ITUC, "Such a clause should be anti-protectionist, favorable
to development, and should constitute a crucial instrument for social
justice in an open world commercial system. It should be accompanied
by technical cooperation to help the countries to completely conform
to the labor norms. The ITUC links the theme of sustainable development
to the defense of the environment and to industrial development.
In the same chapter, the draft discusses the "challenges for the
multinational companies." The ITUC recognizes that the multinational
companies are "an essential motor of globalization."
It is necessary to note that at no point does the ITUC evoke the negative
role of multinational corporations in the accumulation process, their
corrupting influence on governments, or their contribution to world
instability and armed conflicts that result from the conquest of the
markets.
Agreeing with the strategy of the multinationals, whose budgets are
often higher than many states, the ITUC limits itself to calling on
these companies to be more dedicated to environmental, social concerns,
human rights, giving to the states and the effected parties "access
to legal reparation and the imposition of sanctions." This is the
least that could be done.
The draft of the ITUC declares: "Corporate social responsibility
must not be used as a substitute for the role of the governments and
the unions."
On this, we agree with the ITUC in the sense that, for us, the workplace
is the site of the class struggle, where the boss tries to extract the
most surplus value from the wage earner, to make an average rate of
profit. Today, it is the fall in the profit rate that characterizes
the crisis of capitalism, posing the question of the private ownership
of the means of production.
With the communitarian thought that spreads today through the majority
of political currents, from the left to right, based on the "participatory
democracy" initiated by the various Porto Alegre Social Forums,
we are witnessing the promotion of "civil society," as the
anti-thesis of "political and representative democracy."
In fact, the promotion of the "civil society" concept, a
false inheritor of populism, is meant to hide the existence of social
classes with antagonistic interests, with the owners, the exploiters
on one side and the exploited proletarians on the other. Thus, to confer
on the companies "social responsibilities" is an intellectual
swindle.
The facts show us every day the hard truth about the capitalist system.
While Ford in the U.S. announces the end of a third of its jobs, while
the newspapers chronicle the corruption of the "rulers of industry"
and the scandal of pensions, we are justified in doubting "corporate
social responsibility." The ITUC is spreading illusions.
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The draft statutes of the ITUC affirm its firm support for the ILO.
The ITUC recalls that the regulation of international labor norms remains
the essential function of the ILO. The ITUC is invited to actively engage
in all initiatives that aim to strengthen the norms, against all those
who aim to weaken them.
From our point of view, concerning the ILO, the ITUC does not go far
enough. For us, we think what is necessary is to return to system of
conventions which, in the framework of tri-partism, engages the states,
the employers, and the trade unions of workers, to elaborate conventions
that must then be integrated into the national Labor Codes and national
social legislation. We know of the importance of this system, including
for the struggles of the oppressed peoples to return to democracy.
Since 1989, the rise of the global economy and globalization, based
on the break-up of nation states and the march toward a world economy,
has pushed for the elimination of the last social barriers on this expansion.
In 1999, under pressure of the U.S., in the name of liberalism, President
Bill Clinton, came in person to the ILO in Geneva, to plead (with success)
for the abandonment of the conventional normative system, to be replaced
with a vague declaration concerning the "Charter of Fundamental
Rights," which all corporations should subscribe to.
Since 1999, the situation of the wage earners has deteriorated throughout
the world, while the opposite is true for the multinationals.
The orientation adopted by the ILO in 1999 is part of the process destroying
and undermining the political authority of the nation-states as the
political framework aiming to regulate the economy and social norms.
Globalization and its institutions are becoming neo-totalitarian. The
ILC must condemn this and warn the trade unions of the dangers of this
offensive against democracy and the freedoms linked to it.
For the ILC, loyal defenders of internationalism, the political framework
of the nation-state remains the most solid, because it is the only one
based upon political sovereignty. The European Union and world governance
cannot base themselves on this.
It is in the framework of the nation-state that democratic principles
are expressed. This is true for free and independent trade unionism,
which defends the specific interests of the workers and which remains
an essential instrument nationally and internationally.
The Bureau of the ILC
September 22, 2006
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ITUC:
Where do they want to lead the trade unions?
In the framework of the discussion begun in our newsletter since the
March 2005 Madrid Conference concerning the future of the trade union
movement and the danger threatening its independence, we are publishing
a new contribution concerning the founding congress of the International
Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
On November 1st, the founding congress of the International Trade Union
Confederation (ITUC) took place in Vienna. It was preceded by the dissolution
congress of the ICFTU and the WCL.
This congress and its decisions are an important political event and
raise questions concerning democracy and the very nature of the workers'
movement in all countries. In this light, we publish a first contribution
to the discussion.
Numerous speakers and the final resolution set the objective of the
"reform of globalization."
The resolution states: "An international globalized economy needs
an effective world governance. The ITUC aims to build collaboration
between governments (beyond promoting cooperation between trade unions
and governments, the ITUC would like to be the liaison between different
governments! - ILC) in order to promote the social dimension of globalization,
such as decent employment and the fundamental rights of workers, including
inside the heart of the decision-making process of the big world and
regional institutions. Among these are the World Bank, the WTO, and
the U.N." (1) The introductory document goes on to propose "the
establishment of a system of corporate governing."
The document on campaigns specifies: "The WTO, the World Bank,
and the IMF - we work to ensure that the strategies of world governance
of these organizations be modified for the benefit of workers and the
poor."
To modify the strategies of the WTO, the IMF, and the World BankŠ is
this the role of a trade union organization? Is it necessary to accept
implementing the plans of these international institutions of the decomposing
capitalist system?
The new general secretary of the ITUC explains: "We cannot end
off-shoring, but we can set up rules to make these changes more acceptable."
(Les Echos).
Is the role of a trade union organization to make the workers accept
a wave of de-industrialization and outsourcing aimed at lowering labor
costs?
The document on campaigns affirms that it is necessary, "to participate
in the international events such as, for example, the Ministerial meetings
of the WTO, the G8 meetings, the World Social Forums, etc."
But what is the G8? Isn't this the Summit of the eight most important
industrial powers, which impose deregulation plans throughout the world?
Is this the concrete content of the new governance? Should the trade
unions participate, in the framework of the meetings of the international
institutions, in elaborating these policies?
One question ran through the whole congress: the relationship between
the trade union movement and the NGOs.
The document concerning the campaign for the rights of workers affirms:
"We work with other members of civil society, such as NGOs and
political parties."
This collaboration was expressed during the congress itself through
the presence of numerous representatives of NGOs: "We are working
more and more with NGOs, on an international and national level, which
are more recognized, which was not the case ten years ago," adds
Pat Horn, the coordinator of the StreetNet International, a support
network for street vendors in Durban, South Africa, which was invited
as an observer to Vienna.
Another representative of these NGOs, A.S. Fall, who was present at
the ITUC congress, spoke for quite a while to promote "the intercontinental
network in favor of a social and solidarity economy. Š We help the workers
who have lost their jobs due to the structural adjustment plans become
small entrepreneurs. Š The wage workers are no longer the norm and the
trade unions must adapt." (AFP)
It is a fact that the rotten system of private property tends to destroy
the labor force itself and spread de-industrialization throughout the
world. But if there is no more working class, if there is no more social
relation of exploitation, as the NGO supporters would have us believe,
then there is no more need for specific organizations to defend the
specific interests of the workers - in other words, there is no more
need for trade unions. Civil society, integrated into the world governance,
should become a substitute. In reality, this is a true civil war against
the workers and their organizations, with the goal of destroying the
workers' rights and the labor force itself.
These questions cannot be hidden. The class struggle remains the class
struggle.
1) All the citations are excerpts from the official site of the ITUC,
created after the congress
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Statutes that break with federalism
"Article IV: Suspension and Exclusion:
a) The General Council has the right to suspend and the congress has
the right to exclude any affiliated organization that it considers to
have broken with the present statutes or taken actions contrary to the
interests of the confederation - or inaction." A trade union organization
can be excluded for "inaction"? Who will judge this inaction?
According to what criteria? Where is the respect for federalism?
"Article XIIIL: Mandates and Candidatures:
a) The affiliated organizations must submit to the General Secretary
the names of their representatives at least three months before the
congress."
"Submit" and not just transmit? According to the French dictionary,
the Petit Robert, to "submit" means "presenting for judgment
and choice." So the affiliated organizations would no longer have
the sovereign ability to choose their delegates? This choice will be
in the hands of the leadership of the ITUC?
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Glossary
ICFTU: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, which regroups
all the reformist confederations.
WCL: World Labor Confederation, which regroups the Christian confederations
NGOs: Non-Governmental Organizations, created principally through the
funding of the World Bank. The World Bank report of September 22, 2000
notes that, "More than 70% of projects supported by the World Bank
involve NGOs." In the name of civil society, without any form of
democratic organizations, these NGOs are a substitution for both trade
unions and public services.
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