Open World Conference of Workers

In Defense of Trade Union Independence & Democratic Rights

 

WHC Report Section 9

NOTE: The Following is part of the ongoing report on the Western Hemisphere Workers Conference Against NAFTA and Privatizations, which took place in San Francisco on November 14-16, 1997.

Section 9 includes the following:

  1.  World Federation of Trade Unions

  2.  Human Rights Commission of the National Congress of Mexico

  3.  Canadian Labor Congress

  4.  Central Workers' Union of Cuba (CTC)

  5.  Ontario Secondary School Teachers Federation

 


 

Presentation by Robin Alexander, director of international affairs of the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE):  

  Brothers and sisters, compañeras and compañeros,

It's really a pleasure to be here today, and it's wonderful to be with a group of people who are both committed to international solidarity and who are activists.  I also bring greetings from the FAT.  They are sorry they couldn't be with us, and I'd like to give the organizers this poster which is a graphic illustration of international labor solidarity. [applause]

            How many of you were out there working against Fast Track?  Let's see the hands.  All right, let's give ourselves a hand.  [applause]  Victory is really sweet.  It was really good to see that Clinton couldn't buy the votes this time that he needed to get Fast Track to pass.  But we have serious challenges ahead.  As previous speakers have said, NAFTA expansion isn't over, and we're facing MAI.  And I believe were facing an even greater challenge, which is that we need to develop an alternative vision, and we need to make that vision a reality.  [applause]

            On the labor front, an essential part of that is to form effective alliances with workers and trade unions around the world in order that we may take on the transnationals together.  And we know the future that we face if we fail to do that.  It's a mighty challenge.  We share problems with workers around the world who are suffering under the same neoliberal policies we see here: privatization, downsizing, pressure to increase productivity while cutting wages and benefits, deregulation, the substitution of temporary workers and part time workers, attacks on labor rights, and cuts in social programs. 

            I want to talk today about our relationship with the FAT because I think it provides one small example of what may be part of the answer to this challenge.  And I say its only part because we're both very small organizations.  Our relationship basically is focused on organizing, and we call it the Strategic Organizing Alliance.  There have been a number of organizing campaigns that I obviously don't have time to tell you about.  We also do a lot of education and we do worker-to-worker exchanges which we believe are critical in cutting down some of the stereotypes that exist on both sides of the border.  We also have a web page, and you should look at that [igc.apc.org/unitedelect].  We have literature in the back. 

            I want to close by asking your support for two campaigns.  One is a campaign that you heard about last night, that of the Han Young workers in Tijuana, and I also want to recognize Enriqe Fernandez Felix who is coordinator of the Union de Defensa Laboral Communitaria who provided substantial support for that strike, for that effort.

            In the last few minutes what I want to do is tell you about a campaign which I think is really important, and it's an effort  to expand our work with the FAT in a new way to make it a tri-national effort.  Last march in Chicago there was a meeting of representatives from [workers at plants of] Echlin, which is an auto parts manufacturer. People who attended were from the FAT in Mexico, the Canadian Steelworkers and a number of US unions including the Teamsters, the Paper Workers, UNITE!, my union and some others.  And what these representatives did was they pledged to support each other, in both contract negotiations and in new organizing efforts.  The FAT was the first union to run a campaign since that meeting, and what happened during that campaign was really outrageous, and I'd like to share a little of that with you. 

            They faced a terrible trilogy, the government, the bosses, and the CTM.  Initially they faced the problem of delay: as they filed the demand to represent the workers, the case was postponed for several months while the labor board considered the question of whether [the FAT union was] legally entitled to represent the workers since they were auto parts workers and STIMAHCS is a metal workers' union.  It's totally outrageous, and fortunately that challenge was eventually defeated and they went on to an actual election.              The day of the election, two hours before the election, the labor board again postponed it,  and failed to notify the union.  Therefore when all of the most active workers came out to be the first ones to vote, they exposed themselves to the company and twenty of them were fired.  Nevertheless the workers hung in there.  They went on. 

            An election was held, and the night before the election, two busloads of goons showed up at the plant.  Some had machine guns; some had sticks; some had chains; and basically throughout the next day they just hung out at the plant.  The message was really clear.  Because elections take place by voice vote rather than secret ballot in Mexico, and because it was on the company property (only three representatives from STIMAHCS were allowed in the plant), workers who voted had to do that in front of representatives of the company, the company union, and of course there were all these goons.  In spite of that there were workers who were brave enough to say, "No, we want a democratic, independent union,"  and to vote for STIMAHCS, for the FAT.  Nevertheless it's understandable that many of those workers were intimidated, and the union lost. 

            They've come back to the Echlin alliance of unions and asked for support, and I'm also asking you.  The company's shareholders' meeting is going to be on December 17th, and we're going to be sending the company a message.  We're also going to be having rallies and demonstrations in other parts the country, and we're going to be filing a complaint at that time with the NAO in the United States and Canada, challenging the way that elections are conducted in Mexico

            Next week we'll have petitions and other literature.  If you're interested in helping, please see me, and I'd be happy to get that material to you.  We need to send a strong, clear message to the company that they need to reinstate those workers with full compensation and they have to stop union busting and respect workers' rights.  [applause]   I can't think of a clearer example of how our lives and our futures are tied together.

              Obviously I haven't been able to say all that I wanted to during this brief time, but I think that international solidarity is imperative.  I think that the reason that our relationship with the FAT works is because its based on mutual respect.  It's based on the fact that we talk, that we discuss things with each other, and it's based on the fact that we share a common vision of what unions should be like.  We call it rank-and-file unionism.  They call it autogestión, but it's the same thing.  We need to fight for an international movement that really represents workers throughout the world.  Thank you very much.  [applause]

 


 

Presentation by Mike Dolan, field director for Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch:

  Thank you very much.  My web site is www.citizen.org .  Thank you.  You know I am, yes, the field director of Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, and I also have the very great honor of being the national field director of a national coalition in this country called the Citizens' Trade Campaign -- a national coalition of labor and environmental and family farm and human rights and democracy rights and consumer organizations -- the total membership of which exceeds eight million individuals.  It includes the Teamsters,  and it includes the United Auto Workers, and it includes the Sierra Club and environmental groups.  And it is that national coalition which, exerting grassroots lobbying pressure at the field level in targeted districts in this country -- targeted congressional districts -- succeeded in pushing back the White House, Wall Street, and Gingrich and company, and won this incredible fight this past week on Fast Track.  So I want to thank the affiliates of the CDC for your hard work, this incredible battle. [applause]

            But you know, I think we've congratulated ourselves enough.  It's time to move on.  I want to pat myself on the back as much as the next organizer, but that was a fight that we won and we dwell in the past for too long at our peril.  You know what I want to do?  I want to tell you about a little trip I took.  Three weeks ago, in the middle of the Fast Track fight, I had occasion to go to Paris, France.  For work!  I mean I went to Paris for work!  What could be better, right?  This was right in the middle of the Fast Track fight.  I got away because I went to Paris, because Paris is right where the Organization for Cooperation and Economic Development, the OCED is located at.  And I went to the OCED because that's where the Multilateral Agreement on Investment is being negotiated at.  And I went there to be part of a NGO, a Non-govermental Organization, Consultation with the OCED, and on my first day in Paris, I took two very important meetings before the actual beginning of the consultation. 

            The first meeting was at the Trade Union Advisory Council, the TUAC.  These are the trade union representatives to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.  And I talked with a man named Roy Jones there, and Roy described to me the reformist approach of the affiliates of TUAC, which include the AFL-CIO, and the Canadian Labor Congress, and others.  And they described how they wanted a very strong treatment of labor issues in the Multilateral Agreement on Investment.  In other words, to make the MAI the best MAI it could possibly be: strong language in the preamble; annexing some guidelines; and a binding labor clause that was referred to earlier today, based on NAFTA section 11-14, whereby the signatory states are not merely encouraged, but are in fact required not to lower labor standards in order to attract investment.  And these were some of the reformist recommendations of the Trade Union Advisory Council to the OCED that I learned in Paris.  

            The second meeting I took was with the CGT.  We just heard from a representative a few minutes ago from them.  I met with Jean-Pierre Page at the Confederaçion General du Travail there, and he took a completely different trade union approach to the MAI.  He rejected the model.  He said the MAI is bad.  He said we must kill it.  [applause]  I said, "Yeah, Jean-Pierre, vous êtes raison. We're going to kill this thing."  But I was fascinated by the difference between two trade unionists: one who wants to fix the MAI and the other who wants to kill the MAI.

            A few days later, I had the strategy session with the NGO community, most of whom were environmental, and I found this same division between those who take a reformist approach to the Multilateral Agreement on Investments -- and, dare I say, to these multilateral free trade agreements in general -- and those NGOs, my own Public Citizen among them, which want to bash the model.  We want to smash this horrible neoliberal free trade model, and I was in Paris to add a militant voice to the NGO consultations at the OECD, and so finally there we did.

            Well, I should tell you that we were -- all the NGOs, forty odd NGOs, mostly environmental groups -- together in a room to create a statement.  That's right, the NGO statement, and if you come to the workshop later on, on the MAI, I'll share it with you.  We eventually did prepare one, and fortunately I am here to report back to you that the NGO statement reflected a militant perspective.  That is to say we brought into the consultation, and gave to the OECD and to our national negotiators, a list of demands -- not questions that wed like to discuss with you, but demands.  Suspend the negotiations.  Eliminate the investor-to-state dispute resolution mechanism: that's where the corporations get to sue the governments -- bad stuff.  Eliminate that, we said among our demands.  All our demands, of course, were rejected. 

            But the reason that I bring these points up is that there were these two positions within the NGO community and within the labor movement, within the trade union movement, and it occurred to me as I got back to the United States and began to resume organizing again on Fast Track, that we must take a militant perspective in order to kill these things.  When I went into the consultation with the OECD, and it was my turn to speak up -- in this big French building with high ceilings and tapestries and bullet-proof glass windows -- I had the opportunity to say to them, "On behalf of the Citizens' Trade Campaign, the national coalition in my country  which is about to beat Fast Track negotiating authority for the president, I am here to inform you that this agreement, this Multilateral Agreement on Investment, will never pass in the United States Congress."  [applause] 

            Ever since NAFTA passed three and a half years ago, we have been organizing out of fear -- fear of lowered wages, fear of lost jobs in this country, fear of environmental degradation.  And it seems to me that with the Fast Track victory, with the momentum created against this MAI, this new ugly multilateral agreement, and with this conference today, we can now organize not from fear, but from hope.  And that is my intention from this day forward, that we share this hope, that we organize around these things, and we take a militant stance.  And it was that militant stance: that's how we beat Fast Track.  That's how we're going to beat the MAI.  That's how we will achieve global unionism.  That is why we are here, to organize.  Thank you, and I look forward to organizing with all of you.  [applause]

 

 


Five letters of greetings received by the Organizing Committee for the Western Hemisphere Workers Conference Against NAFTA and Privatizations:

 

Letter 1: World Federation of Trade Unions

  November 12, 1997

  World Federation of Trade Unions

Branická 112, Prague 4

Czech Republic

 

Organizing Committee

Western Hemisphere Workers Conference  

San Francisco, CA

  Dear Brothers and Sisters:

The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU/FSM), which represents more than 100 million affiliated workers on the five continents, wishes to send you our fraternal greetings for your brilliant initiative in convening the Western Hemisphere Workers' Conference Against NAFTA and Privatizations.

 

The repercussions of these policies have caused great damage to workers' interests across the Americas. Our affiliate organizations in Latin America highly value this call because of its unifying character. Our affiliated unions have sought to actively participate in all your regional and national planning events and at the conference itself. Many were unable to attend your conference only because of economic constraints.

 

We will be awaiting the resolutions and agreements adopted by the Conference, which we are sure will greatly contribute to the strengthening of the unity of all workers.

 

Only with workers' global actions will we be able to win. For that reason, we salute you for your initiative.

 

Wishing you great success, we fraternally subscribe to our common ideals and goals.

 

On behalf of the International Secretariat

of the WFTU

signed/

Valentin Pacho,

General Secretary

  **********

Letter 2: Human Rights Commission of the National Congress of Mexico

  November 14, 1997

 

Federal Deputy Benito Miron Lince

President,

Human Rights Commission

Legislative Palace

Republic of Mexico

 

Mr. Art Pulaski,

Secretary-Treasurer,

California Labor Federation (AFL-CIO)

San Francisco, California

 

Dear Brother Pulaski,

  On behalf of the entire membership of the Human Rights Commission of the National Congress of Mexico, we send fraternal greetings to the Western Hemisphere Workers' Conference, a very important event which you and your federation have convened in the city of San Francisco, California.

 

We received your invitation to participate in the Western Hemisphere with great interest, and we would have liked to participate directly in this event. Unfortunately, for reasons of a legislative nature in our country, we are unable to be present with you.

 

For us, it is very inspiring and gives us great hope to know that the workers of the world are meeting in many places, such as in San Francisco on November 14-16, and that they are trying to build a common front against the injustices resulting from economic globalization and its policies of privatizations -- policies resulting in crises provoked by the large banks, Wall Street, and the financial centers. The world of human rights is not witnessing its best era, especially when we realize that those who are promoting these destructive economic schemes on many occasions value the almighty dollar more than a human life.

 

We wish you the best success possible at your conference, and we will be looking forward to receiving a report on the results you have achieved. Please send us all your conference documents and resolutions so that we can pursue this necessary and important dialogue.

 

Sincerely,

signed/

Benito Miron Lince,

President

 

   **********

Letter 3: Canadian Labour Congress

  October 29, 1997

  Ed Rosario

San Francisco District Labour Council

1188 Franklin St. #203,

San Francisco, CA  94109

U.S.A.

 

Dear Brother Rosario:

  I am writing in reply to your letters and invitations to CLC officers and staff to participate in and endorse the conference on privatization in the Americas to take place in San Francisco in November.  Unfortunately, the Canadian Labour Congress will not be in a position to participate in this conference.  We are aware that a number of our affiliated organizations and local activists have already indicated that they will be attending the event.

 

We wish you every success in carrying out this conference on a subject which, indeed, is one of the very important issues of our times.  We are enclosing some materials that the CLC has published over the past year on related issues following a similar conference organized by the CLC in March 1996 which we hope can be of use to you.

 

In solidarity,

singed/

Robert White,

President

 

   **********

 

Letter 4: Workers' Central Union of Cuba/CTC

  November 4th, 1997

WORKERS' CENTRAL UNION OF CUBA

SAN CARLOS Y PEÑALVER

HAVANA, CUBA

   

Walter Johnson

Secretary Treasurer

San Francisco Labor Council AFL-CIO

 

We really appreciate all your efforts for our participation in the Western Hemispheric Worker's Conference Against NAFTA and Privatizations but it is impossible for us to attend the meeting due to just one reason:

 

- the U.S.A. office in Cuba (SINA) has required us the information about flight itinerary and airports for our trip in the formulation to ask for the visas with no less than 21 days before the departure, it means that we had to present the formulation before October 23 and at that time we didn't have the flight itinerary so we couldn't ask for our visas.

 

As all of you know we were very interested to attend the Conference and also to meet with SFLC-AFL-CIO because we know about what you are doing to improve AFL-CIO relations with Cuban trade unions.

 

We want to thank you for the resolution you presented at the last AFL-CIO convention and at the same time we want to confirm you our desire to con-tinue working to strenght the relations between our organizations.

 

We will be very pleased if in the next future we have the opportunity to meet you here in Cuba or there if we are invited to go and we get the vi-sas from US State Department.

 

Give our thanks to all the organizations and friends that have supported our participation, specially to the officers of SFLC-AFL-CIO.

 

 

With my best regards,

 

In solidarity

 

Signed/

Leonel Gonzalez Gonzalez

International Relations Secretary,

C.T.C.

   **********

 

Letter 5: Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation

   November 14, 1997

  Art Pulaski

Secretary-Treasurer

California Labour Federation

AFL/CIO

 Dear Art Pulaski:

 Greetings and our apologies for being unable to attend the conference this weekend.

 As you are aware, the troubles in Ontario continue with a government bent on destroying public education and public services in general.  The agenda for public education became clear during our province wide political protest from October 27 to November 7.  By taking complete control of education, both financially and philosophically, the final step is the weakening of the unions.  Bill 160 allows this process and that was the focus of the teacher political protest in Ontario.

 In early December, the government will announce the funding model for education - this will be the last step in their agenda to bring charter schools and voucher education to Ontario.

 The support we received during the protest was massive and that support is on-going.  Parents and the public in general realize now the lack of democratic principle of this government and numerous groups are active in fighting Bill 160.

 Although we have returned to work, the struggle continues.  We face the scheduled passing of the Bill in the Legislature this week.  We are making every attempt to stop or at least delay the passing.

 OSSTF has appreciated the support received from unions across the world and in particular, many of the unions represented at your conference this weekend.

 We wish you well in your discussions and will remain involved in the struggle.

 

In solidarity

Your truly

signed/

Malcolm Buchanan

General Secretary

 

 

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