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From:
International Liaison Committee for a Workers International
Friday, January 28, 2000
12:28 PM
Document Number
5
Structural adjustment plans
were supposed to clear the way for the creation of an "economic
environment" favourable to the mass entrance of foreign capital.
20 years after the beginning
of these "structural adjustments", what is the current state of
things?
"Between 1978 and
1994, 35 out of 43 Sub-Saharan countries went through economic recessions. 20
of them have seen their income per head fall lower than it was twenty years
ago.
"According to the
UNDP, gross domestic investment fell in many countries between 1970 and 1985:
from 26 to 15% of GNP in Malawi, from 16 to 6% in Sierra Leone. In the
1990-1995 period, yearly growth continued to be negative in many countries: -
10% in Zambia, - 11% in Malawi, and - 16% for Togo.
"Since the eighties,
foreign direct investment (FDI) in these countries has been negative. The FDI
flows towards developing countries has increased a lot, passing from 23.7
billion dollars in 1990 to 120.4 billion in 1996. But these flows largely
ignored Africa.
" In 1996, total FDI
reached $3.3 billion in sub-Saharan Africa, 1.4 billion going to Nigeria and
300 million to Angola. But higher investments are not necessarily desirable, as
investors require a return rate higher than elsewhere because of risks in the
region. It reached 24-30% a year in 1990-1994 in Sub-Saharan Africa, against an
average 16-18% for developing countries as a whole.
"The absolute value of
trading loans and financial investments has fallen by a half after reaching
65.5 billion dollars in 1991. 6 African countries only receive financial
portfolio investments. Public funding hardly covers the interest paid to the
creditors." (European Bureau of the PNUD, 1999)
The World Bank itself has
acknowledged that:
"Aggregate resource
flows declined from $19 billion in 1997 to $17 billion in 1998. Net official
finance remained roughly at the $12 billion level of 1997, as both grants and
net official loans remained at the level of the previous year. Net official
finance to the region has fallen by about $5 billion since 1990, a decline of
more than 50 percent in real terms.
"Net private flows to
Sub-Saharan Africa fell from $7 billion in 1997 to $6 billion in 1998. Net
private debt flows rose from about zero in 1997 to $600 million in 1998. Net
private debt flows to Nigeria collapsed in 1998, with the decline in the price
of oil and difficult political conditions. Net private debt flows to South
Africa remained unchanged.
"Foreign direct
investment into the region, directed mainly to the minerals and metals sector,
has increased substantially from near zero in 1990. In recent years,
significant foreign direct investment flows ($500 million) have come from Asia
to eastern and southern Africa (predominantly to South Africa). FDI to South
Africa equalled $1.1 billion in 1998, down significantly from $1.7 billion in
1997. Nigeria receives the second largest amount of FDI in the region and,
despite the oil price decline and civil conflict, FDI was unchanged in 1998 at
$1.6 billion.
"Portfolio equity
flows fell from $1.5 billion in 1997 to $366 million in 1998. Flows to South
Africa, which accounts for 90 percent of the total portfolio equity flows,
showed the largest decline."
As for the USA:
The share of US exports to
Africa is but 7% of the continent total exports. And even in a country which is
a symbol so as to say of the ruling power of the USA, Mandela's South Africa,
the situation is not fundamentally different. South Africa exports 29.1 billion
dollars (1996), of which 2.9 only to the USA. South Africa imports total 27
billion dollars, of which only 3.1 from the USA. And present trends show that
this percentage is still being reduced.
Economic relations between
the USA and Sub-Saharan Africa can be portrayed through a few figures and
comments:
- US exports towards Africa
total 1% of its exports and 2% of its imports, the US trade deficit towards
Africa tends to grow.
- 71% of US imports coming
from Africa come from energy and mainly oil.
- US exports towards Africa
go to very limited territories: Nigeria and South Africa alone represent 63% of
its exports.
- US imports from Africa
also come from very limited territories: Nigeria, Angola, South Africa and
Gabon provide 84% of continental exports towards the USA.
- "traditional"
African exports (agricultural products") towards USA are taxed 16 times
more than oil.
- US investments in Africa
(already quite marginal) are constantly falling: 865 million dollars in 1993,
797 in 1995, 540 in 1996. In 1996, Nigeria and South Africa obtained 96.5% of
these US investments.
- "Aid to
development" through the USAID fell by 25% between 1995 and 1996.
- US exports, concerning
mainly African industries (chemical industry, etc.) fell from 478 million
dollars in 1995 to 263 in 1996.
- Manufactured product
exports from Africa to the USA fell by 31% between 1995 and 1996.
Friday, January 28, 2000
12:28 PM
Document Number
6
Privatisation, deregulation and working conditions
With, SAPs and
privatisation the role of Africa in the world economy is diminishing. Jeune
Afrique writes (November 1st, 1999): "Sub-Sahara Africa participation in
the industrial production of the world reaches at best 0,3%", instead of
1,5% in 1975.
The accelerated destruction
of industry is added to an overall offensive against protective labour rights.
The destruction of labour
Codes is intrinsically linked to the SAPs. But these Codes are a fundamental
element of the constitution of nations in Africa. National independence arose
from a struggle which was centred on the demand that international labour
standards be acknowledged and the only possible framework for this was national
independence.
The World Bank especially
ceaselessly demands that labour Codes be modified. To what end? Let us take the
case of Ivory Coast.
"Labour laws in Cot e
d'Ivoire were the result of the Labour Code of Overseas territories of 1952,
then of the Law of August 1st, 1964 on the Labour Code completed by the
inter-professional collective bargaining agreement of July 20th, 1977...
"The aim was to impose
a greater flexibility inside and outside the firm. Outside, it introduced the
official liberalisation of workers' being hired by doing away with the monopoly
of the employment Office, now called the Agency on employment promotion
(Agepe). From now on, the firm can hire employees directly or call upon
specialised employment agencies.
"The new Labour Code
legalises negotiated termination of the labour contract, which is in the
interest of both employers and employees, especially to allow job cuts for
economic reasons. In any case, the new Code gives the manager the authority to
determine the reasons for lay off measures, the criteria for it, the list of
people to be laid-off, the date of lay-off, and there is no longer an
authorisation needed... Besides there is a great potential for flexible work
hours allowing to adjust the volume of employment and a better use of
equipment. The new Code permits modulated work hours, part time jobs,
individual work hours." (Jeune Afrique Economic, special issue: "Cote
d'Ivoire's Target: the year 2000")
Another example of the
reforms proposed by the World Bank is even more explicit. The following
document was given by the World Bank to the Benin trade unions (excerpts):
"Article 13 (former
text): Limited term contracts extend beyond two years renewable once. (New
text): Limited term contract cannot extend beyond two years, renewable twice. "Article
52 (former text): Whatever the employer's stated motive, economic or not, any
lay-off which does not have a serious objective reason gives the wage earner
the right to claim damages in relation to the prejudice received defined by the
competent tribunal. Damage allowances cannot amount to less than six months of
wages.. (new texts): ... for all workers who have been employed for at least 5
years". (Complementary amendments of the World Bank and IMF for the draft
Labour Code).
The result has been a
skyrocketing of the "informal" jobs sector (or black market), where
workers are over-exploited, without labour Code protection, as shown by a ICFTU
document: "Two thirds of workers in towns are in the deregulated so-called
"informal" sector, and unemployment has doubled since the seventies. It
totals between 15 to 20% of the labour force. Real wages in industry fell
steeply in the eighties by an average 12% yearly in the 15 countries where the
ILO has verified information. The present structural adjustment policies don't
allow for the satisfaction of essential human needs and don't reduce the debt
weight either and therefore do not lead Africa on the path of lasting economic
growth. The informal sector in Africa attains the following proportions as
compared to the labour force in towns:
Benin 72.6%
Burkina Faso 60.2%
Burundi 45.1%
Congo 36;9%
Cote d'Ivoire 60.8%
Gabon 21.8%
Ghana 38.3%
Guinea 61;2%
Madagascar 22.7%
Malawi 23.0%
Mali 32.9%
Nigeria 65.1%
Niger 68.5%
Rwanda 47.5%
Senegal 4.3%
Togo 69.4%
Zaire 66.2%
Average for the African
continent 59.0%" (Source: ILO)
Job deregulation has
developed alongside a general weakening of State institutions. The same document
states: "The lack of any legal system capable of covering the market
creates a climate of insecurity which is a fertile ground for corruption,
intimidation and financial gangsters." (ICFTU Congress resolution, June
25th-29th, 1996).
Privatisation and deregulation
has led to massive unemployment
"Although statistics
concerning productive jobs in Africa are not definitive, not accurate and
unpublished, the elements of documenting we have show that there is a severe
employment crisis in Africa. Productive jobs creation rate in the region
reached an average 2.4% a year in 1991 while its active population grew by 3.2%
a year during that same period.
"As for its
distribution, the formal sector labour force is not only very limited but is
indeed declining, its average rate in the region falling from 10% in 1980 to
less than 8% in 1990. On the other hand, employment in the informal job sector
in towns has seriously increased in the eighties, and includes 25% of the work
force in 1991, showing that the informal job market has developed. The
remaining 2/3 are in agriculture and in rural area jobs.
"Estimates show that
unemployment rose from 7.7% in 1978 to 22.8% in 1990 and should reach 30%
before the year 2000. Unemployment is especially high in urban regions, although
it is also on the rise in rural areas. The unprecedented rate of migration from
countryside to town (due to war, collapse of agriculture and a generalised
refusal of the unbearable living conditions in rural areas) has exacerbated
unemployment in urban centres. Other factors contributed to aggravate the
situation of employment in some countries, such as drought, physical
environment degradation, social unrest.
"Linked or added to
unemployment, there is the question of jobs in the public sector. Civil servant
of public firm jobs have been frozen or reduced because of budget restrictions
linked to economic recovery programs. In the eighties, the public sector
provided over 50% of the formal sector jobs on the continent. This rate should
fall to 30 to 35% of formal jobs in the nineties."
Economic Commission for
Africa (UN)- January 20-21, 1994.
Structural adjustment plans
and employment.
A recent ILO Bureau report
was published by Jeune Afrique on January 18th, 1998:
"Employment is still
in a critical situation. Economic develop is not sufficient to absorb the work
force which increases by 3% a year. Economist Samir Radwan, main author of this
report, explains: "Moreover one must add the decline or stagnation of
wage-earning jobs, the decrease of real wages and the deterioration of living
and working conditions. The majority of African workers are not in the modern
sector, but rather in deregulated economic sectors with low profit rates, such
as food, agriculture and the informal sector in towns. The latter regroups a
crowd of small crafts and trades from the shoe-shiners to peddlers, including
those who put plastic films on your identity papers. You can find them just the
same on the sidewalks of Ouagadougou, Cotonou or Kinshasa. They are ever more numerous,
but this hasn't prevented the average unemployment rate in towns from nearly
doubling throughout the continent in the last 15 years to now reach over 20%
(it should reach 30% in the year 2000). If one considers undocumented
unemployment, half of the work force is in fact looking for a job."
This degradation also
reaches countries such as South Africa.
"Over one-third of
able-bodied South Africans are without a job - a figure that rises to 47% for
Blacks. Employment is falling at a 4% annual rate. Job hunting prospects are
not helped by the fact that 40% of black adults are illiterate. To achieve
social stability, living standards need to rise sharply. Instead, they are
falling as real GDP growth of less than 1% lags well behind a population that's
growing at 2-3% a year." (Wall Street journal, November 9th, 1998).
Document N¡ 7
Illnesses, and epidemics
are spreading first as a direct result of the dismantling of State
infrastructures. 48% of sub-Saharan Africa population are deprived of any
access to drinkable water. 55% have no access to basic sanitary facilities
(World report on Development, PNUD-UNDP, 1998)
According to the UN-ECA,
"78. Access to health
care is generally poor in Africa, a situation which has been accentuated by the
economic crisis that engulfed the continent since mid-1980s. The per capita
distribution of facilities has dropped drastically, institutions have weakened,
and the rising cost of services following economic liberalisation has priced
them beyond the means of poor. A rapidly increasing population, high rates of
urbanisation and the escalating threats to public health have also widened the
gap between the supply of and demand for health services. Health infrastructure
remains under-funded and poorly managed.
"79. It is currently
estimated that 90 per cent of deaths world-wide that are traceable to malaria
have occurred in Africa. Of the 23 million people living with HIV/AIDS epidemic
in the world, nearly two thirds, almost 14 million persons, live in Sub-Saharan
Africa. If has been reported that 50 percent of more of all beds in medical
institutions in Central and East Africa are being occupied by AIDS patients.
"80. Africa also
includes the greatest number of countries with the lowest access to safe
drinking water, adequate sanitation and health services. The low health and
nutritional standards have strapped Africa to its 1960s levels of life
expectancy. Only four countries, Algeria, Botswana, Cape Verde and Mauritius
have recorded levels above the -targets in the WHO's strategy for Health for
all by the year 2000."
AIDS takes on epidemic
proportions:
"The epicentre of AIDS
world-wide is still in sub-Saharan Africa. Since the beginning of the epidemic,
34 million African have been infected and over 12 million have already
deceased. In 1998, the region registered four million new infections and a
growing number of decease due to AIDS, as shown by the 5,500 funerals per day
according to estimates. In the South part of Africa, the epidemic is recent,
the rates of infection went on growing at high rates last year. Four countries
consider that now between 20 to 26% of adults have been contaminated by the
HIV, one new contamination out of seven concerning South Africa...
"In nine countries,
where less than 10M adults have been contaminated by HIV, observers consider
that AIDS will soon lead to lower life expectancy by an average 17 years in
relation to what it should have been without the epidemic. This is not only due
to adults' deaths. Over half a million children - most of them infected during
pregnancy, at birth or by mother milk - died in 1998 alone. In Namibia for
instance, the mortality rate should be 72 for 1000 in 2005-2010 instead of 45
for 1000 without AIDS.
"We know now that in
spite of these already considerable HIV infection rates, the worst is still to
come in the South Africa. The region is headed towards a human disaster of an
unheard of scope", M. Piot, physician, declared.
"In Mutare, Zimbabwe,
the elements of the survey indicate that nearly 40% of pregnant women are
infected and that probably 30,000 adults are infected by HIV.
"In Zimbabwe, AIDS
will mean that 350 people will be buried every day two years hence. In 2005,
more than 900 000 orphans under 15 of age will have to struggle to survive
without their mother. At that date, AIDS patients will occupy 2/3 of the beds
in the public hospitals of the country."
(UN report on AIDS,
November 1998)
"Loss is an inevitable
corollary of disease and death, but the wrenching toll taken by AIDS is unique:
So far the disease has left 8.2 million children without a mother or both
parents, the vast majority of them in sub-Saharan Africa. And the total
continues to grow, expected to reach 13 million by the year 2000, of whom 10.4
million will still be under the age of 15.
"In most parts of the
industrialised world, usually no more than 1% of the child population is
orphaned. Before the onset of the AIDS epidemic, societies in the developing
world absorbed orphans into extended families and communities at a rate just
over 2% of the child population. In contrast, a staggering 11% of children in
Uganda are now orphans because of AIDS. In Zambia, 9% are orphans; in Zimbabwe,
7%; and in Malawi, 6%. Where prevalence rates among women are high, so are the
numbers of children left behind."
(The progression of
Nations, 1999, UNICEF)
"Blacks'
disease"? No, an illness born from social disintegration and wars.
"Wars and armed
conflicts create favourable conditions for the propagation of the virus. The
UNAIDS/AOM report notes that in Rwanda, before the upheavals of the middle of
the nineties, the infection rate was about 10% in the towns and 1% in the
countryside where the population mostly lived. In 1997, the rate has reached
over 11% in the countryside as well as in the towns. A telling fact is that the
rate of infection was multiplied by 6 essentially among the population which
fled from the countryside to refugee camps."
(UNAIDS report,
1998)
But there is not just AIDS:
"Almost 300 million
clinical cases of malaria occur world-wide each year and over one million
people die (see Annex Table 8). Almost 90% of these deaths occur in sub-Saharan
Africa, where young children are the most affected. Malaria is directly
responsible for one in five childhood deaths in Africa and indirectly
contributes to illness and deaths from respiratory infections, diarrhoea
disease and malnutrition. Though malaria is still a big problem, huge progress
has been made since the beginning of the century; its recent resurgence in
Africa contrasts dramatically with the global decline in mortality since
1900."
(The World Health
Report - WHO -1999)
Malaria had begun to recede
in Africa after independence. It has undergone a new and brutal development
since the structural adjustment plans began to be implemented in Africa.
.../... Annual Malaria
mortality rates since 1900 (per 100 000 population)
250 233 216
200 194 192184 174 172
150165 148
100107
50 4818 39 1617 7 021 1900
1930 1950 1970 1990 1997
World minus sub-Saharan
Africa
World
sub-Saharan Africa
(The World Health
Report - WHO - 1999)
The problem raised is that
of means. While Africa is forced to pay 33 billion dollars of debt, 1 billion
dollars would be enough to save the life of almost 1 million children:
"The focusing of
public resources on a limited number of highly effective, low cost
interventions will include preventive and primitive actions, and treatment of
malaria. For example, the Integrated Management of Childhood Illness (IMCI)
package is an initiative to improve the treatment of the most common childhood
diseases and conditions. Malaria is one of five key conditions included in the
strategy, along with acute respiratory infections, measles, diarrhoea and
malnutrition. Integrated management involves the training of health care staff
and the provision of guidelines to help health care providers to recognise the
considerable overlap in the signs and symptoms of these common diseases, and to
encourage prevention and appropriate treatment of children at home and in the
health facility.
"Preliminary estimates
suggest that, in Sub-Saharan Africa alone, IMCI could avert annually over 400
000 deaths due to malaria in children. In addition, IMCI could avert a further
350,000 childhood deaths due to malaria in children. In addition, IMCI could
avert a further 350,000 childhood deaths form other causes in sub-Saharan
Africa and perhaps five times this number globally. Through strengthened health
systems, total malaria deaths could be halved for about $1 billion per
year."
(The World Health
Report WHO, 1999).
But the states are
forbidden to use these sums for health care:
A majority of African
states today have to expend more for refunding the debt than for the budget of
Education and Health together. Tanzania for instance uses 35% of its budget to
refund the debt and only 11% for Health care, Malawi 29% against 8%, Ivory
Coast 25% against 5% and Cameroon 22% against 4% according to the study
UNDP-UNICEF 20/20 Public Expenditure.
First the debt payment.
For instance, "new and
more efficient therapies associating several anti-retroviruses have allowed
sick people in North America and Europe to live longer and better. In the
United States, the number of deaths due to AIDS fell by 2/3 between 1995 and
1997 as soon as these therapies were used on a broad scale basis."
(UNAIDS report,
1998).
But the World Bank
considers that AIDS treatment must be a business first and foremost and
proposes: "that priority be given to interventions increasing private
sector interventions". The World Bank has decided that the only feasible
policies towards AIDS is to help sick people to die: "retrovirus
therapies, which led to considerably bettering the state of health of a few
individuals in high income countries, are too costly and demand such a health
environment that they cannot be an opportunity in the short-term for the
millions of contaminated poor in developing countries. A survey of alternative
treatments shows that health care given on a community basis and at home will
transfer the costs for tax payers from the national to the local community
level, thus reducing considerably the cost of health care and therefore will
provide hope to improve for a reasonable cost the quality of life for patients
with AIDS." The World Bank considers that: "The government should
take care that AIDS patients will benefit from the same access to heath care as
other patients suffering from equivalent diseases and with a similar ability to
pay for care." (World Bank: Summary of Confronting AIDS; Public Priorities
in a Global Epidemic).
The World Bank considers
that the 17.5 dollars African states use yearly to take care of each patient
sick with tuberculosis is still too much: "Costs can be reduced to use a
small number of less costly drugs and by treating people outside hospitals and
in their community as far as possible." (The World Bank Group, investing
in HIV-AIDS)
No money? No drug. This is
what is clearly explained by an article published by the French newspaper
Liberation (August 17th, 1999) on the basis of recent WTO studies concerning
tropical illnesses, especially in Africa:
"The sleeping disease
could be defeated. There is a drug, a recent and efficient one. But this
product for poor countries is not profitable. And although the World Health
Organisation is now owner of this molecule, sick people risk not to getting it.
An accident. In the eighties, the WHO became aware of the phenomenon and
thought about finding a substitute drug. The answer came from the USA in 1985. Researchers
in a laboratory of the US firm Merell-Dow discovered that a molecule called
DFMO has trypanocide activity enabling it to kill the sickness agent. The
laboratory's discovery is a bit of a hazard, as they tested the molecule
against some types of cancers. A clinical study between 1987 and 1991 on over
400 patients in Congo in the Brazzaville region is organised under the control
of Jean Jannin, physician of the WHO. Mr Jean Jannin is immediately
enthusiastic: "Results were genuinely spectacular. Some patients nearly
dying were injected DFMO and a few days later they could stand up and go
home." The production is launched by Merell-Dow in a Midland factory in
Michigan to produce a first series of blisters allowing to cure about 20,000
people.
"But in 1995, the
firm's fusion with Hoechst, and the programme was stopped. The new firm, the
HMR, defines new priorities, and the DFMO is no part of it, for it will yield
no profits. This product was not interesting for our group", for it was
sold for no profit to the WTO, HMR explains, adding that "war in many of
these countries would make it difficult for people to have access to the drug. Therefore
we were at risk of remaining with unsold stocks of the drug."
"Tropical illnesses
are the worst killer illnesses on earth. Still only 11 drugs have been sold on
the market since 1975 out of 1200 produced. These products are sometimes no
longer produced because they yield no profit. And when they are produced, poor
countries cannot buy them. As a consequence, tropical illnesses killed 13.3
million people in 1998, almost a fourth of the deceased in the world this year.
Drugs are more and more considered as a merchandise like any other."
"Five tropical
illnesses looking for sponsors
Illnesses Number of deaths
per year Instances of drugs which are not available Problems met Lung
infections 3.5 million Deftriaxone anti- haemophilia vaccine Too expensive
Malaria 1.1 million Pyronaridine Not produced at present AIDS 2.3 million
anti-retroviruses Too costly sleeping sickness 150 000 DFMO Not produced at
present Tuberculosis 1.5 million sodium aminosalycilate Production not regular
(LibŽration,
sources WHO, MSF)
"This occurs when the
insured persons use health services much more than they would have if they had
no social insurance. Insurance companies can reduce potential risks by
regrouping their clients and forcing them to pay for their coverage, or by
associating fund providers in health services, by offering them incentives to
invest in the financial systems to develop the private sector.
"The key elements to
set up successful prices policies for insurance services are the following:
"- Formulating an
explicit prices policy "- Review the question of to who m the subsidies
should go "- Underline the importance of efficient management of
installations. "- Authorise the providers of basic services to keep part
of the income received. "- Encourage communities' participation in the
governance of health care institutions in the region. "- Better practices
for drug supplies especially. "- Promoting the participation of the
private sector and setting up an information base for analysing the results of
these policies afterwards."
(Source: R. Paul Shaw and
Charles C. Griffin. 1995. Financing health care in Sub Saharan Africa by prices
of services and insurance. "Development on its way", World Bank,
Washington).